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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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Qualitative Data Analysis II: Models and Matrices 541<br />

Componential Analysis<br />

Componential analysis is a formal, qualitative technique for study<strong>in</strong>g mean<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

There are two objectives: (1) to specify the conditions under which a<br />

native speaker of a language will call someth<strong>in</strong>g (like a plant, a k<strong>in</strong>sman, a<br />

car) by a particular term and (2) to understand the cognitive process by which<br />

native speakers decide which of several possible terms they should apply to a<br />

particular th<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

The first objective is descriptive, but the second is a k<strong>in</strong>d of causal analysis<br />

and is what the developers of the technique had <strong>in</strong> m<strong>in</strong>d <strong>in</strong> the 1950s and<br />

1960s (see Conkl<strong>in</strong> 1955; Goodenough 1956; Frake 1962; Wallace 1962).<br />

Charles Frake, for example, described componential analysis as a step toward<br />

‘‘the analysis of term<strong>in</strong>ological systems <strong>in</strong> a way which reveals the conceptual<br />

pr<strong>in</strong>ciples that generate them’’ (1962:74).<br />

Componential analysis is based on the pr<strong>in</strong>ciple of dist<strong>in</strong>ctive features <strong>in</strong><br />

phonology, the branch of l<strong>in</strong>guistics devoted to the study of the sounds of a<br />

language. To understand the pr<strong>in</strong>ciple, th<strong>in</strong>k about the difference <strong>in</strong> the sounds<br />

represented by P and B <strong>in</strong> English. Both are made by twist<strong>in</strong>g your mouth <strong>in</strong>to<br />

the same shape. This is a feature of the P and B sounds called ‘‘bilabial’’ or<br />

‘‘two-lipped.’’<br />

Another feature is that they are both ‘‘stops.’’ That is, they are made by<br />

stopp<strong>in</strong>g the flow of air for an <strong>in</strong>stant as it moves up from your lungs and<br />

releas<strong>in</strong>g the flow suddenly. An S sound, by contrast, also requires that you<br />

restrict the air flow, but not completely. You k<strong>in</strong>d of let the air slip by <strong>in</strong> a<br />

hiss. The only difference between a P and a B sound is that the P is voiceless<br />

while the B is voiced—you vibrate your vocal cords while mak<strong>in</strong>g a B.<br />

If you add up all the phonological features of the words ‘‘bit’’ and ‘‘pit,’’<br />

the only feature that differentiates them is voic<strong>in</strong>g on the first sound <strong>in</strong> each<br />

word. The ‘‘pitness’’ of a pit and the ‘‘bitness’’ of a bit are clearly not <strong>in</strong> the<br />

voicelessness or voicedness of the sounds P and B; but any native speaker of<br />

English will dist<strong>in</strong>guish the two words, and their mean<strong>in</strong>gs, and can trace the<br />

difference between them to that little feature of voic<strong>in</strong>g if you push them a bit.<br />

There is a unique little bundle of features that def<strong>in</strong>e each of the consonantal<br />

sounds <strong>in</strong> English. The only difference between the words ‘‘mad’’ and ‘‘bad’’<br />

is that the bilabial sound M is nasal, and not a stop. These dist<strong>in</strong>ctive features<br />

carry mean<strong>in</strong>g for native speakers of a language.<br />

This pr<strong>in</strong>ciple can be adapted to the study of other doma<strong>in</strong>s of culture. Any<br />

two ‘‘th<strong>in</strong>gs’’ (sounds, k<strong>in</strong>ship terms, names of plants, names of animals, etc.)<br />

can be dist<strong>in</strong>guished by exactly one b<strong>in</strong>ary feature that either occurs () or<br />

doesn’t occur (). Table 18.5 shows that with two features you can dist<strong>in</strong>guish<br />

four th<strong>in</strong>gs: Th<strong>in</strong>g 1 can be , th<strong>in</strong>g 2 can be , th<strong>in</strong>g 3 can be

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