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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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116 Chapter 5<br />

<strong>in</strong>tervention is, the extreme scores are likely to become more moderate just<br />

because there’s nowhere else for them to go.<br />

If men who are taller than 67 marry women who are taller than 63, then<br />

their children are likely to be (1) taller than average and (2) closer to average<br />

height than either of their parents are. There are two <strong>in</strong>dependent variables<br />

(the height of each of the parents) and one dependent variable (the height of<br />

the children). We expect the dependent variable to ‘‘regress toward the mean,’’<br />

s<strong>in</strong>ce it really can’t get more extreme than the height of the parents.<br />

I put that phrase ‘‘regress toward the mean’’ <strong>in</strong> quotes because it’s easy to<br />

mis<strong>in</strong>terpret this phenomenon—to th<strong>in</strong>k that the ‘‘regress<strong>in</strong>g’’ toward the<br />

mean of an dependent variable is caused by the extreme scores on the <strong>in</strong>dependent<br />

variables. It isn’t, and here’s how you can tell that it isn’t: Very, very tall<br />

children are likely to have parents whose height is more like the mean. One<br />

th<strong>in</strong>g we know for sure is that the height of children doesn’t cause the height<br />

of their parents. Regression to the mean is a statistical phenomenon—it happens<br />

<strong>in</strong> the aggregate and is not someth<strong>in</strong>g that happens to <strong>in</strong>dividuals.<br />

Many social <strong>in</strong>tervention programs make the mistake of us<strong>in</strong>g people with<br />

extreme values on dependent variables as subjects. Run some irrigation canals<br />

through the most destitute villages <strong>in</strong> a region of a Third World country and<br />

watch the average <strong>in</strong>come of villagers rise. But understand that <strong>in</strong>come might<br />

have risen anyway, if you’d done noth<strong>in</strong>g, because it couldn’t have gone down.<br />

Test a read<strong>in</strong>g program on the kids <strong>in</strong> a school district who score <strong>in</strong> the bottom<br />

10% of all kids on read<strong>in</strong>g skills and watch their test scores rise. But understand<br />

that their scores might have risen anyway.<br />

5. Selection of Participants<br />

Selection bias <strong>in</strong> choos<strong>in</strong>g participants is a major confound to validity. In<br />

true experiments, you assign participants at random, from a s<strong>in</strong>gle population,<br />

to treatment groups and control groups. This distributes any differences<br />

among <strong>in</strong>dividuals <strong>in</strong> the population throughout the groups, mak<strong>in</strong>g the groups<br />

equivalent.<br />

This reduces the possibility that differences among the groups will cause<br />

differences <strong>in</strong> outcomes on the dependent variables. Random assignment <strong>in</strong><br />

true experiments, <strong>in</strong> other words, maximizes the chance for valid outcomes—<br />

outcomes that are not clobbered by hidden factors.<br />

In natural experiments, however, we have no control over assignment of<br />

<strong>in</strong>dividuals to groups.<br />

Question: Do victims of violent crime have less stable marriages than persons<br />

who have not been victims? Obviously, researchers cannot randomly<br />

assign participants to the treatment (violent crime). It could turn out that peo-

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