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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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Qualitative Data Analysis I: Text Analysis 481<br />

analyz<strong>in</strong>g narratives. Willett Kempton (1987), for example, asked people to<br />

tell him about how they adjusted the thermostats for the furnaces <strong>in</strong> their<br />

homes. He found that Americans have two quite different schemas for how<br />

thermostats work. Some people hold to a feedback theory: the thermostat<br />

senses the temperature and turns the furnace on or off <strong>in</strong> order to keep the<br />

room at some desired temperature. This theory produces set-it-and-forget-it<br />

behavior. You set the thermostat at some temperature and let the system do its<br />

job. Other people hold to a valve theory. You set the thermostat at some much<br />

higher temperature than what you really want. This forces the furnace to pour<br />

out lots of heat, fast. When the temperature is where you want it, you turn the<br />

dial down. The first theory is etically correct, but the second is widely held<br />

and is responsible for a lot of wasted energy. (People who push the elevator<br />

button over and over aga<strong>in</strong> probably subscribe to a valve theory. We could test<br />

that.)<br />

Three Examples of Schema Analysis<br />

The Trobriand land dispute schema. Edw<strong>in</strong> Hutch<strong>in</strong>s (1980) recorded and<br />

transcribed a formal dispute <strong>in</strong> the Trobriand Islands, <strong>in</strong> which two men,<br />

Motobasi and Kailimila, make speeches to an open court <strong>in</strong> their village. In<br />

these speeches, both men claim the right to cultivate a particular garden plot.<br />

Motobasi, it seems, has sent one of his followers to cut a garden. Kailimila<br />

disputes Motobasi’s right to cut the garden. Motobasi says:<br />

It is easy for me to take up this garden and cut it. I was cutt<strong>in</strong>g it when my<br />

younger brothers said ‘‘you have recently come. You shall not touch these th<strong>in</strong>gs.<br />

These are our th<strong>in</strong>gs because we pokala’ed previously.’’ But as you know, this<br />

was a woman’s garden, Ilawokuvamalasi’s garden. My older brother cut it by<br />

himself. When he died, he gave it to his sister. (ibid.:68)<br />

To w<strong>in</strong> the case, Motobasi will have to refute the statements of his younger<br />

brothers who tell him ‘‘You shall not touch these th<strong>in</strong>gs.’’ To understand Motobasi’s<br />

logic, we need to know that pokala is the giv<strong>in</strong>g of someth<strong>in</strong>g by someone<br />

of <strong>in</strong>ferior status to someone of superior status ‘‘<strong>in</strong> the hope, but without<br />

the promise, that someth<strong>in</strong>g will be returned’’ (ibid.:25–26) and we need to<br />

know that Trobriand society is divided <strong>in</strong>to matril<strong>in</strong>eal descent groups.<br />

Motobasi’s claim on the garden depends on his listeners fill<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> around<br />

the edges. He hopes that his matril<strong>in</strong>eal claim, through his sister, will trump<br />

his younger brothers’ claim through pokala. Eventually, the fact that Motobasi<br />

could not specify the person whom the brothers had pokala’ed will prejudice<br />

his case.

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