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Qualitative Data Analysis II: Models and Matrices 537<br />

<strong>in</strong>g, while other nuts—cashews and peanuts, for example—may be shelved<br />

somewhere else, like with the snacks. Lychee nuts (a Ch<strong>in</strong>ese dessert food)<br />

and matzohs (unleavened bread boards eaten primarily by Jews) are sometimes<br />

shelved <strong>in</strong> American supermarkets together under ‘‘ethnic foods,’’ but<br />

may be shelved <strong>in</strong> separate ‘‘Oriental foods’’ and ‘‘Jewish foods’’ sections if<br />

local populations of those groups are sufficiently large.<br />

Spradley (1979) reported that he once called the St. Paul, M<strong>in</strong>nesota, police<br />

department and said he needed to f<strong>in</strong>d the case number of a robbery that had<br />

been committed at his house. Two bicycles had been stolen from his garage <strong>in</strong><br />

the middle of the night, while he was asleep. The police had <strong>in</strong>vestigated, but<br />

Spradley’s <strong>in</strong>surance company needed the case number to process the claim.<br />

When Spradley told the police that he needed the case number for a ‘‘robbery,’’<br />

they quite naturally transferred his call to the robbery unit. But the<br />

people there couldn’t help him because, accord<strong>in</strong>g to their rules, robberies<br />

<strong>in</strong>volve a face-to-face encounter between the crim<strong>in</strong>al and the victim and the<br />

crim<strong>in</strong>al uses a gun.<br />

Spradley was transferred to burglary, but they couldn’t help him either<br />

because, they said, theft of bicycles is handled by the juvenile division <strong>in</strong> St.<br />

Paul. Eventually, Spradley got his case number, but, he said, if he had understood<br />

the police culture, he ‘‘would have begun with a simple question: What<br />

part of the police department has records of bicycles stolen from a garage<br />

when no one is present?’’ (1979:142). In other words, if he’d known the taxonomy<br />

for the cultural doma<strong>in</strong> of crimes, he’d have asked the right question and<br />

gotten taken care of right away.<br />

Cultural doma<strong>in</strong>s are everywhere. Ask people to free list any set of th<strong>in</strong>gs<br />

you can name—emotions, names of ethnic groups, junk foods, hand tools. If<br />

lots of people can respond easily, you’ve gotten hold of a cultural doma<strong>in</strong>.<br />

Some doma<strong>in</strong>s (like animals and plants) are huge; others (like the names of<br />

carpenters’ tools) are small but require specialized knowledge.<br />

Some doma<strong>in</strong>s are highly consensual. All native speakers of Spanish know<br />

the list of names of family members (madre, padre, hijo, hija, etc.). There are<br />

some specialized uses of terms that vary from one Spanish-speak<strong>in</strong>g country<br />

to another, but no student of any Spanish-speak<strong>in</strong>g culture could avoid learn<strong>in</strong>g<br />

that doma<strong>in</strong>. (See Borgatti [1993/1994] for a sem<strong>in</strong>al discussion of cultural<br />

doma<strong>in</strong> analysis. For classic work on folk taxonomies, see the many contributions<br />

<strong>in</strong> Frake 1961, Tyler 1969, and Werner and Schoepfle 1987.)<br />

How to Make a Taxonomy: Lists and Frames<br />

In build<strong>in</strong>g a folk taxonomy, many researchers comb<strong>in</strong>e the free-list technique<br />

I described <strong>in</strong> chapter 11 and the frame elicitation technique developed

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