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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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Direct and Indirect Observation 415<br />

Cont<strong>in</strong>uous Monitor<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>Anthropology</strong><br />

CM has a long and noble history <strong>in</strong> anthropology. When Eliot Chapple was<br />

still a student at Harvard <strong>in</strong> the 1930s, he built a device he called the ‘‘<strong>in</strong>teraction<br />

chronograph’’ for record<strong>in</strong>g on a roll<strong>in</strong>g sheet of paper the m<strong>in</strong>ute features<br />

(facial expressions, gestures) of human <strong>in</strong>teraction. The <strong>in</strong>teraction chronograph<br />

is, as far as I can tell, the unheradled forerunner of the handheld computer<br />

record<strong>in</strong>g systems used for cont<strong>in</strong>uous monitor<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> ethology, psychology,<br />

and anthropology today (Chapple 1940; Chapple and Donald 1947).<br />

In 1949, John Roberts and a Zuni <strong>in</strong>terpreter took turns sitt<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> one of the<br />

rooms of a Zuni house, simply dictat<strong>in</strong>g their observations <strong>in</strong>to a tape<br />

recorder. (That recorder, by the way, was the size of a suitcase and weighed<br />

30 pounds.) This went on for 5 days and produced data for a 75,000-word<br />

book, rich <strong>in</strong> detail about everyday Zuni life. Figure 15.1 shows some excerpts<br />

from Roberts’s work.<br />

People let Roberts park <strong>in</strong> their homes for 5 days because Roberts was a<br />

participant observer of Zuni life and had ga<strong>in</strong>ed his <strong>in</strong>formants’ confidence.<br />

Even earlier, <strong>in</strong> 1936–1937, Jules and Zunia Henry did fieldwork among the<br />

Pilagá Indians of Argent<strong>in</strong>a. Among the data they collected was a set of direct<br />

observations of children. Table 15.1 shows the data from observations made<br />

on four children for 10 k<strong>in</strong>ds of behaviors associated with eat<strong>in</strong>g and food<br />

shar<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

The data <strong>in</strong> table 15.1 were extracted from 843 observations of children’s<br />

behavior. Here are two of those observations from the orig<strong>in</strong>al data:<br />

The three children of Diwa’i are feed<strong>in</strong>g peacefully together. Deniki, the baby,<br />

waves his hand for food and mother gives him a small piece of palm dipped <strong>in</strong><br />

fat. After eat<strong>in</strong>g a second piece he is given the breast.<br />

Deniki, Naicho, and Soroi are together. Deniki is hold<strong>in</strong>g a dish with a very<br />

small quantity of cooked fruit <strong>in</strong> it. Soroi says, ‘‘Share it with me,’’ and takes one<br />

fruit out of the dish. Naicho immediately snatches another one away violently,<br />

but not before Deniki has already taken one out, which he then offers to Naicho,<br />

appear<strong>in</strong>g not to comprehend her action. (Mensh and Henry 1953:467)<br />

The Zapotec Children Study<br />

Douglas Fry used CM to study aggressive play among Zapotec children.<br />

From 1981 to 1983, Fry did 18 months of participant observation fieldwork <strong>in</strong><br />

La Paz and San Andrés, two small Zapotec-speak<strong>in</strong>g villages just 4 miles<br />

apart <strong>in</strong> the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico. Dur<strong>in</strong>g the last 5 months of his<br />

research, Fry did direct, cont<strong>in</strong>uous monitor<strong>in</strong>g of 24 children (3–8 years old)<br />

<strong>in</strong> each village. Before that, he visited almost all the households <strong>in</strong> the villages

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