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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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428 Chapter 15<br />

Thus, Johnson used a nonrandom sample of all Machiguenga households,<br />

but he randomized the times that he visited any household <strong>in</strong> his sample. This<br />

sampl<strong>in</strong>g strategy sacrificed some external validity, but it was high on <strong>in</strong>ternal<br />

validity. Johnson could not claim that his sample of households statistically<br />

represented all Machiguenga households. His 14 months of experience <strong>in</strong> the<br />

field, however, makes his claim for the representativeness of his data credible.<br />

That is, if Johnson’s data on time allocation <strong>in</strong> those 13 households seem<br />

to him to reflect time allocation <strong>in</strong> Machiguenga households generally, then<br />

they probably do. But we can’t be sure. Fortunately, randomiz<strong>in</strong>g his visits to<br />

the 13 households, and mak<strong>in</strong>g a lot of observations (3,945 of them, over 134<br />

different days dur<strong>in</strong>g the 14-month fieldwork period), gives Johnson’s results<br />

a lot of <strong>in</strong>ternal validity. So, even if you’re skeptical of the external validity of<br />

Johnson’s study, you could repeat it (<strong>in</strong> Shimaa or <strong>in</strong> some other Machiguenga<br />

community) and see whether you got the same results.<br />

Reg<strong>in</strong>a Smith Oboler (1985) did a TA study among the Nandi of Kenya.<br />

She was <strong>in</strong>terested <strong>in</strong> differences <strong>in</strong> the activities of adult men and women.<br />

The Nandi, Oboler said, ‘‘conceptualize the division of labor as sex segregated.<br />

Is this true <strong>in</strong> practice as well? Do men and women spend their time <strong>in</strong><br />

substantially different or similar types of activities?’’ (p. 203).<br />

Oboler selected 11 households, compris<strong>in</strong>g 117 people, for her TA study.<br />

Her sample was not random. ‘‘Select<strong>in</strong>g a random sample,’’ she said, ‘‘even<br />

for one kokwet (neighborhood) would have made observations impossibly difficult<br />

<strong>in</strong> terms of travel time’’ (ibid.:204). Instead, Oboler chose a sample of<br />

households that were matched to social and demographic characteristics of the<br />

total population and with<strong>in</strong> half an hour walk<strong>in</strong>g distance from the compound<br />

where she lived.<br />

Oboler divided the daylight hours of the week <strong>in</strong>to 175 equal time periods<br />

and gave each period (about two hours) a unique three-digit number. Then,<br />

us<strong>in</strong>g a table of random numbers, she chose time periods to visit each household.<br />

She visited each household four times a week (on different days of the<br />

week) dur<strong>in</strong>g 2 weeks each month and made nearly 1,500 observations on<br />

those households dur<strong>in</strong>g her 9 months <strong>in</strong> the field.<br />

Oboler found that, for her sample of observations, adult men spend around<br />

38% of their time ‘‘<strong>in</strong> activities that might reasonably be considered ‘work’<br />

by most commonly used def<strong>in</strong>itions of that term’’ (ibid.:205). Women <strong>in</strong> her<br />

sample spent over 60% of their time work<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

Table 15.2 shows the number of spot observations necessary to estimate the<br />

frequency of an activity to with<strong>in</strong> a fractional accuracy. It also tells you how<br />

many observations you need if you want to see an activity at least once with<br />

95% probability.<br />

Here’s how to read the table. Suppose people spend about 5% of their time

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