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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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Qualitative Data Analysis I: Text Analysis 507<br />

start—usually, but not always, quantitatively. This requires (1) start<strong>in</strong>g with a<br />

theory that you want to test; (2) creat<strong>in</strong>g a set of codes for variables <strong>in</strong> the<br />

theory; (3) apply<strong>in</strong>g those codes systematically to a set of texts; (4) test<strong>in</strong>g the<br />

reliability of coders when more than one applies the codes to a set of texts;<br />

(5) creat<strong>in</strong>g a unit-of-analysis-by-variable matrix from the texts and codes;<br />

and (6) analyz<strong>in</strong>g that matrix statistically with methods like those laid out <strong>in</strong><br />

chapters 19, 20, and 21.<br />

Content analysis doesn’t have to be complicated to be effective. When the<br />

Nazis came to power <strong>in</strong> the 1930s, the U.S. Government Communications<br />

Commission began monitor<strong>in</strong>g shortwave radio broadcasts from Germany.<br />

Analysts established 14 major propaganda themes <strong>in</strong> the Nazi media. In 1942,<br />

the U.S. Department of Justice accused William Dudley Pelley of sedition,<br />

claim<strong>in</strong>g that Pelley was publish<strong>in</strong>g pro-Nazi propaganda while the United<br />

States was at war with Germany.<br />

The government asked <strong>in</strong>dependent coders to classify 1,240 items <strong>in</strong> Pelley’s<br />

publications as belong<strong>in</strong>g or not belong<strong>in</strong>g to one of those 14 Nazi propaganda<br />

themes. Harold Lasswell, a political scientist and expert <strong>in</strong> propaganda<br />

analysis, testified that 1,195 of the items (96.4%) ‘‘were consistent with<br />

and suggested copy<strong>in</strong>g from the German propaganda themes’’ (United States<br />

v. Pelley 1942). Pelley was convicted. The conviction was upheld by the U.S.<br />

Circuit Court of Appeals, and the admissibility <strong>in</strong> court of evidence based on<br />

this simple method of content analysis was established (Goldsen 1947).<br />

Max<strong>in</strong>e Margolis (1984) did ethnohistorical research on the chang<strong>in</strong>g<br />

images of women <strong>in</strong> the United States. She used the Ladies Home Journal,<br />

from 1889 to 1980, as an archival database, and asked a simple question: Do<br />

ads <strong>in</strong> the Ladies Home Journal for household products show homemakers or<br />

servants us<strong>in</strong>g those products?<br />

From historical data, Margolis knew that the large pool of cheap servant<br />

labor <strong>in</strong> U.S. cities—labor that had been driven there by the Industrial Revolution—was<br />

<strong>in</strong> decl<strong>in</strong>e by about 1900. The readers of the Ladies Home Journal<br />

<strong>in</strong> those days were middle-class women who were accustomed to employ<strong>in</strong>g<br />

household servants. Margolis’s counts showed clearly the transformation of<br />

the middle-class homemaker from an employer of servants to a direct user of<br />

household products.<br />

Margolis took a random sample of her database (2 years per decade of the<br />

magaz<strong>in</strong>e, and 2 months per year, for a total of 36 magaz<strong>in</strong>es), but she did not<br />

have to devise a complex tagg<strong>in</strong>g scheme. She simply looked for the presence<br />

or absence of a s<strong>in</strong>gle, major message. It is very unlikely that Margolis could<br />

have made a mistake <strong>in</strong> cod<strong>in</strong>g the ads she exam<strong>in</strong>ed. Servants are either portrayed<br />

<strong>in</strong> the ad, or they aren’t. So, by def<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g a nom<strong>in</strong>al variable, and one<br />

that is easily recognized, Margolis was able to do a content analysis that added

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