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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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468 Chapter 17<br />

professional anthropologist of this team, I had laid academic hands on Jesús’s<br />

work and that the result was much better for it. (Bernard and Sal<strong>in</strong>as Pedraza<br />

1989:24)<br />

I was soon disabused of these illusions. Jesús Sal<strong>in</strong>as wrote his 232,000-<br />

word ethnography of the Ñähñu with very little active coach<strong>in</strong>g from me.<br />

Wolcott’s Critique of Native Ethnography<br />

Very little active coach<strong>in</strong>g, but still. . . . Harry Wolcott (1999) offers two<br />

<strong>in</strong>cisive critiques of the Ñähñu native ethnography project: (1) that I had more<br />

<strong>in</strong>fluence on Jesús Sal<strong>in</strong>as’s writ<strong>in</strong>g of the Ñähñu ethnography than I imag<strong>in</strong>ed<br />

<strong>in</strong> 1989, and (2) that the Ñähñu ethnography is not really an ethnography<br />

because Jesús Sal<strong>in</strong>as is not really an ethnographer.<br />

Wolcott is right about the first po<strong>in</strong>t. As he po<strong>in</strong>ts out (ibid.:151), early on<br />

<strong>in</strong> the Ñähñu ethnography project, I presented Sal<strong>in</strong>as with a Spanish-language<br />

version of the Outl<strong>in</strong>e of Cultural Materials, the detailed codebook<br />

developed by George Peter Murdock to categorize ethnographic materials on<br />

cultures of the world (Murdock 1971). This reflected my own tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g, and<br />

was hardly a totally hands-off approach to the content of Jesús’s work.<br />

In fact, my <strong>in</strong>fluence extended far beyond just advocat<strong>in</strong>g that Sal<strong>in</strong>as pay<br />

attention to the categories of the OCM. By the time we completed the translation<br />

of the Ñähñu native ethnography <strong>in</strong> 1988, Jesús and I had known one<br />

another for 26 years. I had asked him countless questions about Ñähñu culture<br />

before we ever got started on the project and countless more as we sat, elbow<br />

to elbow, translat<strong>in</strong>g the ethnography from Ñähñu <strong>in</strong>to English (we worked<br />

through Spanish as an <strong>in</strong>termediary language). I forced him to th<strong>in</strong>k out loud<br />

about th<strong>in</strong>gs that he might otherwise never have contemplated consciously. In<br />

the end, the content of the Ñähñu native ethnography was the result of constant<br />

negotiation, constant <strong>in</strong>teraction between Jesús Sal<strong>in</strong>as and me.<br />

On the other hand, Jesús was not cha<strong>in</strong>ed to the OCM and he went far<br />

beyond simply address<strong>in</strong>g my questions. He wrote about th<strong>in</strong>gs that I could<br />

not have asked about, simply because of my ignorance of Ñähñu culture. I<br />

made pla<strong>in</strong> that I was <strong>in</strong>terested <strong>in</strong> the uses of plants, but he wrote about plants<br />

that I didn’t know existed.<br />

I asked him to beg<strong>in</strong> the Ñähñu ethnography with a chapter on the sett<strong>in</strong>g<br />

and expla<strong>in</strong>ed that this was about the geography, the climate, the flora and<br />

fauna, and so on. Aga<strong>in</strong>, this was straight out of my own tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g, and Jesús<br />

followed my <strong>in</strong>structions, but the result was noth<strong>in</strong>g like anyth<strong>in</strong>g I would<br />

have written, because it was noth<strong>in</strong>g I could have written. As the ethnography<br />

beg<strong>in</strong>s, Jesús walks the reader through the Mezquital Valley, nam<strong>in</strong>g the

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