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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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638 Chapter 20<br />

and r, because of certa<strong>in</strong> assumptions that they made, require <strong>in</strong>terval-level<br />

data, and this became an almost magical prescription.<br />

Thirty-four years later, Gaito (1980) surveyed the (by then volum<strong>in</strong>ous)<br />

mathematical statistics literature and found no support for the idea that measurement<br />

properties have anyth<strong>in</strong>g to do with the selection of statistical procedures.<br />

Social scientists, said Gaito, confuse measurement (which focuses on<br />

the mean<strong>in</strong>g of numbers) with statistics (which doesn’t care about mean<strong>in</strong>g at<br />

all) (p. 566). So, treat<strong>in</strong>g ord<strong>in</strong>al variables as if they were <strong>in</strong>terval, for purposes<br />

of statistical analysis, is almost always a safe th<strong>in</strong>g to do, especially with<br />

five or more ord<strong>in</strong>al categories (Boyle 1970; Labovitz 1971a).<br />

The important th<strong>in</strong>g is measurement, not statistics. As I po<strong>in</strong>ted out <strong>in</strong> chapter<br />

2, many concepts, such as gender, race, and class are much more subtle<br />

and complex than we give them credit for be<strong>in</strong>g. Instead of measur<strong>in</strong>g them<br />

qualitatively (remember that assignment of someth<strong>in</strong>g to a nom<strong>in</strong>al category<br />

is a qualitative act of measurement), we ought to be th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g hard about how<br />

to measure them ord<strong>in</strong>ally.<br />

Emil Durkheim was an astute theorist. He noted that the division of labor<br />

became more complex as the complexity of social organization <strong>in</strong>creased<br />

(Durkheim 1933 [1893]). But he, like other theorists of his day, divided the<br />

world of social organization <strong>in</strong>to a series of dichotomous categories (Geme<strong>in</strong>schaft<br />

vs. Gesellschaft, or mechanical vs. organic solidarity).<br />

Today, social theorists want to know how degrees of differences <strong>in</strong> aspects<br />

of social organization (like the division of labor <strong>in</strong> society) are related to social<br />

complexity. This requires some hard th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g about how to measure these two<br />

variables with more subtlety. The mean<strong>in</strong>g of the measurements is crucial.<br />

Elim<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g the Outliers<br />

Another controversial practice <strong>in</strong> data analysis is called ‘‘elim<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g the<br />

outliers,’’ which means remov<strong>in</strong>g extreme values from data analysis. If there<br />

are clear <strong>in</strong>dications of measurement error (a person with a score of 600 on a<br />

300-po<strong>in</strong>t test turns up <strong>in</strong> your sample), you can throw out the data that are <strong>in</strong><br />

error. The problem comes when outliers (so-called freak cases) are elim<strong>in</strong>ated<br />

just to smooth out data—to achieve better fits of regression l<strong>in</strong>es to data. A<br />

s<strong>in</strong>gle wealthy household might be ignored <strong>in</strong> calculat<strong>in</strong>g the average household<br />

<strong>in</strong>come <strong>in</strong> a community on the theory that it’s a ‘‘freak case.’’ But what if<br />

it isn’t a freak case? What if it represents a small, but substantively significant<br />

proportion of cases <strong>in</strong> the community? Elim<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g it only prevents the discovery<br />

of that fact.<br />

Trivially, you can always achieve a perfect fit to a set of data if you reduce<br />

it to just two po<strong>in</strong>ts. But is creat<strong>in</strong>g a good fit what you’re after? Don’t you

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