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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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Interview<strong>in</strong>g: Unstructured and Semistructured 241<br />

Aunger’s <strong>in</strong>terview<strong>in</strong>g style, or because <strong>in</strong>formants generally told the anthropologist<br />

different th<strong>in</strong>gs than they told local <strong>in</strong>terviewers, or because there is<br />

someth<strong>in</strong>g special about <strong>in</strong>formants <strong>in</strong> the Ituri forest? We’ll know when we<br />

add variables to Aunger’s study and repeat it <strong>in</strong> many cultures, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g our<br />

own.<br />

The Deference Effect<br />

When people tell you what they th<strong>in</strong>k you want to know, <strong>in</strong> order not to<br />

offend you, that’s called the deference effect or the acquiescence effect.<br />

Aunger may have experienced this <strong>in</strong> Zaire. In fact, it happens all the time,<br />

and researchers have been aware of the problem for a long, long time. In 1958,<br />

Lenski and Leggett embedded two contradictory questions <strong>in</strong> a face-to-face<br />

<strong>in</strong>terview, half an hour apart. Respondents were asked whether they agreed or<br />

disagreed with the follow<strong>in</strong>g two statements: (1) It’s hardly fair to br<strong>in</strong>g children<br />

<strong>in</strong>to the world, the way th<strong>in</strong>gs look for the future; (2) Children born today<br />

have a wonderful future to look forward to. Just 5% of Whites agreed with<br />

both statements compared to 20% of African Americans. Lenski and Leggett<br />

concluded that this was the deference effect <strong>in</strong> action: Blacks were four times<br />

more likely than Whites to agree to anyth<strong>in</strong>g, even contradictory statements,<br />

because the <strong>in</strong>terviewers were almost all white and of higher perceived status<br />

than the respondents (Lenski and Leggett 1960).<br />

When the questions are about race, the deference effect also works for African<br />

Americans <strong>in</strong>terview<strong>in</strong>g Whites. In 1989, Douglas Wilder, an African<br />

American, ran aga<strong>in</strong>st Marshall Coleman, who is white, for the governorship<br />

of Virg<strong>in</strong>ia. Preelection polls showed that Wilder was far ahead, but <strong>in</strong> the<br />

end, he won by only a slim marg<strong>in</strong>. When white voters were asked on the<br />

telephone whom they would vote for, they were more likely to claim Wilder<br />

as their choice if the <strong>in</strong>terviewer was African American than if the <strong>in</strong>terviewer<br />

was white. This effect accounted for as much as 11% of Wilder’s support<br />

(F<strong>in</strong>kel et al. 1991). This f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g has serious consequences for the future of<br />

election polls <strong>in</strong> the United States, as more and more elections <strong>in</strong>volve competition<br />

between white and African American candidates.<br />

Reese et al. (1986:563) tested the deference effect <strong>in</strong> a telephone survey of<br />

Anglo and Mexican American respondents. When asked specifically about<br />

their cultural preference, 58% of Hispanic respondents said they preferred<br />

Mexican American culture over other cultures, irrespective of whether the<br />

<strong>in</strong>terviewer was Anglo or Hispanic. Just 9% of Anglo respondents said they<br />

preferred Mexican American culture when asked by Anglo <strong>in</strong>terviewers, but<br />

23% said they preferred Mexican American culture when asked by Hispanic<br />

<strong>in</strong>terviewers.

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