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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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338 Chapter 12<br />

of the variation <strong>in</strong> people’s responses: adjectives of evaluation (good-bad,<br />

difficult-easy), adjectives of potency (strong-weak, dom<strong>in</strong>ant-submissive,<br />

etc.), and adjectives of activity (fast-slow, active-<strong>in</strong>active, sedentary-mobile,<br />

etc.).<br />

As the target changes, of course, you have to make sure that the adjective<br />

pairs make sense. The adjective pair ethical-corrupt works for some targets,<br />

but you probably wouldn’t use it for hav<strong>in</strong>g a cold.<br />

V<strong>in</strong>cke et al. (2001) used the semantic differential scale to explore the<br />

mean<strong>in</strong>g of 25 sex acts among gay men <strong>in</strong> Flanders, Belgium. Their <strong>in</strong>formants<br />

scaled each act (anal <strong>in</strong>sertive sex, anal receptive sex, <strong>in</strong>sertive fellatio,<br />

receptive fellatio, <strong>in</strong>terfemoral sex, and so on) on six paired dimensions:<br />

unsatisfy<strong>in</strong>g/satisfy<strong>in</strong>g, stimulat<strong>in</strong>g/dull, <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g/bor<strong>in</strong>g, emotional/<br />

unemotional, healthy/unhealthy, and safety/danger. V<strong>in</strong>cke et al. then compared<br />

results on the semantic differential for men who practiced safe sex (with<br />

one partner or with a condom) and men who practiced unsafe sex (multiple<br />

partners and without a condom) to see which sex acts were more gratify<strong>in</strong>g<br />

for high-risk-tak<strong>in</strong>g and low-risk-tak<strong>in</strong>g men.<br />

How Many Scale Choices?<br />

We know from everyday experience that how we phrase a question <strong>in</strong> part<br />

determ<strong>in</strong>es the answer. We say th<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> ord<strong>in</strong>ary conversation and, after listen<strong>in</strong>g<br />

to the response, we backtrack, fill <strong>in</strong>, and cover: ‘‘No, that’s not what I<br />

meant. What I meant was. . . .’’ It won’t come as a surprise, then, that our<br />

<strong>in</strong>formants respond to the way we phrase our questions. They know that an<br />

<strong>in</strong>terview is not an ord<strong>in</strong>ary conversation, but it’s a conversation nonetheless.<br />

They take cues from our questions, figure out what we want to know, and<br />

respond the best they can.<br />

Tourangeau and Smith (1996) asked men and women the follow<strong>in</strong>g question:<br />

‘‘Dur<strong>in</strong>g the last 12 months, that is, s<strong>in</strong>ce August/September 1993, how<br />

many men [women], if any, have you had <strong>in</strong>tercourse with?’’ Some people<br />

were asked simply to tell the <strong>in</strong>terviewer a number. Others were asked to<br />

choose one of the follow<strong>in</strong>g: 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 or more. And still others were<br />

asked to choose one of the follow<strong>in</strong>g: 1–4, 5–9, 10–49, 50–99, 100 or more.<br />

It won’t surprise you to learn that people report more sex partners when given<br />

high-end choices than when given low-end choices or an open-ended question<br />

(ibid.:292). Norbert Schwarz and his colleagues (1985) found the same th<strong>in</strong>g<br />

when they asked people <strong>in</strong> Germany how many hours of television they<br />

watched. If you give people choices that start high, you get reports of more<br />

behavior.

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