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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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138 Chapter 5<br />

Comparative Field Experiments<br />

Naturalistic field experiments appeal to me because they are excellent for<br />

comparative research, and comparison is so important for develop<strong>in</strong>g theory.<br />

Feldman (1968) did five field experiments <strong>in</strong> Paris, Boston, and Athens to test<br />

whether people <strong>in</strong> those cities respond more k<strong>in</strong>dly to foreigners or to members<br />

of their own culture.<br />

In one experiment, the researchers simply asked for directions and measured<br />

whether foreigners or natives got better treatment. Parisians and Athenians<br />

gave help significantly more often to fellow citizens than to foreigners. In<br />

Boston, there was no difference.<br />

In the second experiment, foreigners and natives stood at major metro stops<br />

and asked total strangers to do them a favor. They expla<strong>in</strong>ed that they were<br />

wait<strong>in</strong>g for a friend, couldn’t leave the spot they were on, and had to mail a<br />

letter. They asked people to mail the letters for them (the letters were<br />

addressed to the experiment headquarters) and simply counted how many letters<br />

they got back from the different metro stops <strong>in</strong> each city. Half the letters<br />

were unstamped.<br />

In Boston and Paris, between 32% and 35% of the people refused to mail a<br />

letter for a fellow citizen. In Athens, 93% refused. Parisians treated Americans<br />

significantly better than Bostonians treated Frenchmen on this task. In fact, <strong>in</strong><br />

cases where Parisians were asked to mail a letter that was stamped, they<br />

treated Americans significantly better than they treated other Parisians! (So<br />

much for that stereotype.)<br />

In the third experiment, researchers approached <strong>in</strong>formants and said:<br />

‘‘Excuse me, sir. Did you just drop this dollar bill?’’ (or other currency,<br />

depend<strong>in</strong>g on the city). It was easy to measure whether or not people falsely<br />

claimed the money more from foreigners than from natives. This experiment<br />

yielded meager results.<br />

In the fourth experiment, foreigners and natives went to pastry shops <strong>in</strong> the<br />

three cities, bought a small item and gave the clerk 25% more than the item<br />

cost. Then they left the shop and recorded whether the clerk had offered to<br />

return the overpayment. This experiment also showed little difference among<br />

the cities, or between the way foreigners and locals are treated.<br />

And <strong>in</strong> the fifth experiment, researchers took taxis from the same beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g<br />

po<strong>in</strong>ts to the same dest<strong>in</strong>ations <strong>in</strong> all three cities. They measured whether foreigners<br />

or natives were charged more. In neither Boston nor Athens was a<br />

foreigner overcharged more than a local. In Paris, however, Feldman found<br />

that ‘‘the American foreigner was overcharged significantly more often than<br />

the French compatriot <strong>in</strong> a variety of <strong>in</strong>genious ways’’ (1968:11).<br />

Feldman collected data on more than 3,000 <strong>in</strong>teractions and was able to

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