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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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Qualitative Data Analysis I: Text Analysis 511<br />

characteristics, and personality <strong>in</strong>fo (not <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g sexual or emotional characteristics).<br />

Hirschman formulated and tested specific hypotheses about which<br />

resources men and women would offer and seek <strong>in</strong> personal ads. She selected<br />

20 test ads at random from the New York Magaz<strong>in</strong>e and The Wash<strong>in</strong>gtonian<br />

and checked that the 10 k<strong>in</strong>ds of resources were, <strong>in</strong> fact, observable <strong>in</strong> the ads.<br />

Sexual traits and services were less than 1% of all resources coded. This was<br />

1983–1984, but even then, ads with explicit references to sexual traits and<br />

services were more common <strong>in</strong> other periodicals than <strong>in</strong> The Wash<strong>in</strong>gtonian<br />

and New York Magaz<strong>in</strong>e.<br />

Hirschman next gave 10 men and 11 women the list of resource categories<br />

and a list of 100 actual resources (‘‘young,’’ ‘‘attractive,’’ ‘‘fun lov<strong>in</strong>g,’’<br />

‘‘divorced,’’ ‘‘32-year-old,’’ etc.) gleaned from the 20 test ads. She asked the<br />

21 respondents to match the 100 resources with the resource category that<br />

seemed most appropriate. This exercise demonstrated that the resource items<br />

were exhaustive and mutually exclusive: No resource items were left over,<br />

and all of them could be categorized <strong>in</strong>to only one of the 10 resource categories.<br />

When she was confident her codebook worked, Hirschman tested her<br />

hypotheses. She sampled approximately 100 female-placed ads and 100 maleplaced<br />

ads from each magaz<strong>in</strong>e—a total of 400 ads. A male and a female<br />

coder, work<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>dependently (and unaware of the hypotheses of the study),<br />

coded 3,782 resource items taken from the 400 ads as belong<strong>in</strong>g to one of the<br />

10 resource categories. The cod<strong>in</strong>g took 3 weeks. This is not easy work.<br />

Hirschman was concerned with <strong>in</strong>tercoder reliability—that is, mak<strong>in</strong>g<br />

sure that coders saw the same th<strong>in</strong>g when they coded those ads. She gave the<br />

data to a third coder who identified discrepancies between the first two coders.<br />

Of 3,782 resource items coded, there were discrepancies (theme contrasts) on<br />

636 (16.8%), and one of the coders failed to code 480 items (12.7%). Hirschman<br />

resolved the theme contrasts herself. She checked the omissions aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />

the ads to see if the coder who had made an assignment had done so because<br />

the resource was, <strong>in</strong> fact, <strong>in</strong> the ad. This was always the case, so the 480<br />

resource items omitted by one coder were counted as if they had been assigned<br />

to the ad by both coders.<br />

The results? Men were more likely than women to offer monetary<br />

resources; women were more likely than men to seek monetary resources.<br />

Women were more likely than men to offer physical attractiveness. Wash<strong>in</strong>gton,<br />

D.C., and New York City are supposed to be hip places, yet the way men<br />

and women wrote their own personal ads <strong>in</strong> 1983–1984 conformed utterly to<br />

traditional gender role expectations. Other studies s<strong>in</strong>ce then show that, while<br />

there are some differences across social and economic classes, what hetero-

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