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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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<strong>Anthropology</strong> and the Social Sciences 25<br />

the Bible for statistical evidence to support the subjugation of women doesn’t<br />

turn the enterprise <strong>in</strong>to science.<br />

By the same token, at the early stages of its development, any science relies<br />

primarily on qualitative data. Long before the application of mathematics to<br />

describe the dynamics of avian flight, qualitative, fieldwork<strong>in</strong>g ornithologists<br />

did systematic observation and recorded (<strong>in</strong> words) data about such th<strong>in</strong>gs as<br />

w<strong>in</strong>g movements, perch<strong>in</strong>g stance, hover<strong>in</strong>g patterns, and so on. Qualitative<br />

description is a k<strong>in</strong>d of measurement, an <strong>in</strong>tegral part of the complex whole<br />

that comprises scientific research.<br />

As sciences mature, they come <strong>in</strong>evitably to depend more and more on<br />

quantitative data and on quantitative tests of qualitatively described relations.<br />

But this never, ever lessens the need for or the importance of qualitative<br />

research <strong>in</strong> any science.<br />

For example, qualitative research might lead us to say that ‘‘most of the land<br />

<strong>in</strong> Popotlán is controlled by a m<strong>in</strong>ority.’’ Later, quantitative research might<br />

result <strong>in</strong> our say<strong>in</strong>g ‘‘76% of the land <strong>in</strong> Popotlán is controlled by 14% of the<br />

<strong>in</strong>habitants.’’ The first statement is not wrong, but its sentiment is confirmed<br />

and made stronger by the second statement. If it turned out that ‘‘54% of the<br />

land is controlled by 41% of the <strong>in</strong>habitants,’’ then the first part of the qualitative<br />

statement would still be true—more than 50% of the land is owned by<br />

less than 50% of the people, so most of the land is, <strong>in</strong>deed controlled by a<br />

m<strong>in</strong>ority—but the sentiment of the qualitative assertion would be rendered<br />

weak by the quantitative observations.<br />

For anthropologists whose work is <strong>in</strong> the humanistic, phenomenological tradition,<br />

quantification is <strong>in</strong>appropriate. And for those whose work is <strong>in</strong> the positivist<br />

tradition, it is important to remember that numbers do not automatically<br />

make any <strong>in</strong>quiry scientific. In chapter 17, I’ll discuss how texts—<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g<br />

words and pictures—can be collected and analyzed by scholars who identify<br />

with either the positivist or the <strong>in</strong>terpretivist tradition.<br />

In the rest of this book, you’ll read about methods for describ<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>dividuals<br />

and groups of people. Some of those methods <strong>in</strong>volve library work, some<br />

<strong>in</strong>volve controlled experiments, and some <strong>in</strong>volve fieldwork. Some methods<br />

result <strong>in</strong> words, others <strong>in</strong> numbers. Never use the dist<strong>in</strong>ction between quantitative<br />

and qualitative as cover for talk<strong>in</strong>g about the difference between science<br />

and humanism. Lots of scientists do their work without numbers, and many<br />

scientists whose work is highly quantitative consider themselves humanists.<br />

Ethics and Social Science<br />

The biggest problem <strong>in</strong> conduct<strong>in</strong>g a science of human behavior is not<br />

select<strong>in</strong>g the right sample size or mak<strong>in</strong>g the right measurement. It’s do<strong>in</strong>g

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