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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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136 Chapter 5<br />

In a memorable experiment, elegant <strong>in</strong> its simplicity of design, Doob and<br />

Gross (1968) had a car stop at a red light and wait for 15 seconds after the<br />

light turned green before mov<strong>in</strong>g aga<strong>in</strong>. In one experimental condition, they<br />

used a new car and a well-dressed driver. In another condition, they used an<br />

old, beat-up car and a shabbily dressed driver. They repeated the experiment<br />

many times and measured the time it took for people <strong>in</strong> the car beh<strong>in</strong>d the<br />

experimental car to start honk<strong>in</strong>g their horns. It won’t surprise you to learn<br />

that people were quicker to vent their frustration at apparently low-status cars<br />

and drivers.<br />

Piliav<strong>in</strong> et al. (1969) did a famous naturalistic experiment to test the ‘‘good<br />

Samaritan’’ problem. Students <strong>in</strong> New York City rode a particular subway<br />

tra<strong>in</strong> that had a 7.5-m<strong>in</strong>ute run at one po<strong>in</strong>t. At 70 seconds <strong>in</strong>to the run, a<br />

researcher pitched forward and collapsed. The team used four experimental<br />

conditions: The ‘‘stricken’’ person was either black or white and was either<br />

carry<strong>in</strong>g a cane or a liquor bottle. Observers noted how long it took for people<br />

<strong>in</strong> the subway car to come to the aid of the supposedly stricken person, the<br />

total population of the car, whether bystanders were black or white, and so on.<br />

You can conjure up the results. There were no surprises.<br />

Harari et al. (1985) recruited drama majors to test whether men on a college<br />

campus would come to the aid of a woman be<strong>in</strong>g raped. They staged realisticsound<strong>in</strong>g<br />

rape scenes and found that there was a significant difference <strong>in</strong> the<br />

help<strong>in</strong>g reaction of male passersby if those men were alone or <strong>in</strong> groups.<br />

The Small-World Experiment<br />

Consider this: You’re hav<strong>in</strong>g coffee near the Trevi Founta<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> Rome. You<br />

overhear two Americans chatt<strong>in</strong>g next to you and you ask where they’re from.<br />

One of them says she’s from Sioux City, Iowa. You say you’ve got a friend<br />

from Sioux City and it turns out to be your new acqua<strong>in</strong>tance’s cous<strong>in</strong>. The<br />

culturally appropriate reaction at this po<strong>in</strong>t is for everyone to say, ‘‘Wow, what<br />

a small world!’’<br />

Stanley Milgram (1967) <strong>in</strong>vented an experiment to test how small the world<br />

really is. He asked a group of people <strong>in</strong> the midwestern United States to send<br />

a folder to a div<strong>in</strong>ity student at Harvard University, but only if the participant<br />

knew the div<strong>in</strong>ity student personally. Otherwise, Milgram asked people to<br />

send the folders to an acqua<strong>in</strong>tance whom they thought had a chance of know<strong>in</strong>g<br />

the ‘‘target’’ at Harvard.<br />

The folders got sent around from acqua<strong>in</strong>tance to acqua<strong>in</strong>tance until they<br />

wound up <strong>in</strong> the hands of someone who actually knew the target—at which<br />

po<strong>in</strong>t the folders were sent, as per the <strong>in</strong>structions <strong>in</strong> the game, to the target.

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