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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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Interview<strong>in</strong>g: Unstructured and Semistructured 243<br />

and sometimes it doesn’t, and there’s a lot of research on when it might be a<br />

problem. Zipp and Toth (2002), for example, analyzed data from a household<br />

survey <strong>in</strong> Brita<strong>in</strong> and found that when the spouses are <strong>in</strong>terviewed together,<br />

they are much more likely to agree about many th<strong>in</strong>gs—like who does what<br />

around the house—than when they are <strong>in</strong>terviewed separately. Apparently,<br />

people listen to each other’s answers and modify their own answers accord<strong>in</strong>gly,<br />

which puts on a nice, unified face about their relationship.<br />

As you’d expect, there is a social desirablity effect when a third party is<br />

present. Casterl<strong>in</strong>e and Chidambaram (1984) exam<strong>in</strong>ed data from 24 develop<strong>in</strong>g<br />

countries <strong>in</strong> the World Fertility Study and found that women <strong>in</strong> those countries<br />

are less likely to admit us<strong>in</strong>g contraception when a third party is present<br />

at the <strong>in</strong>terview. Anthropologists face this situation a lot: try<strong>in</strong>g to get people<br />

to talk about sensitive topics and assur<strong>in</strong>g them of privacy, but unable to f<strong>in</strong>d<br />

the privacy for an <strong>in</strong>terview.<br />

On the other hand, Aquil<strong>in</strong>o (1993) found that when their spouse is <strong>in</strong> the<br />

room, people report more marital conflict than when they are <strong>in</strong>terviewed<br />

alone. They are also more likely to report that they and their spouse lived<br />

together before marriage if their spouse is <strong>in</strong> the room. Perhaps, as Mitchell<br />

(1965) suggested 40 years ago, people own up more to sensitive th<strong>in</strong>gs like<br />

this when they know it will be obvious to their spouse that they are ly<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

Seems like a good th<strong>in</strong>g to test. (For more on the third-party-present effect,<br />

see Blair [1979], Bradburn [1983], Hartmann [1994], Aquil<strong>in</strong>o [1997], Pollner<br />

and Adams [1997], T. W. Smith [1997], Aquil<strong>in</strong>o et al. [2000], and Boeije<br />

[2004]).<br />

Threaten<strong>in</strong>g Questions<br />

In general, if you are ask<strong>in</strong>g someone a nonthreaten<strong>in</strong>g question, slight<br />

changes <strong>in</strong> word<strong>in</strong>g of the question won’t make much difference <strong>in</strong> the<br />

answers you get. Peterson (1984) asked 1,324 people one of the follow<strong>in</strong>g<br />

questions: (1) How old are you? (2) What is your age? (3) In what year were<br />

you born? or (4) Are you 18–24 years of age, 25–34, 35–49, 50–64, 65 or<br />

older? Then Peterson got the true ages for all the respondents from reliable<br />

records.<br />

There was no significant difference <strong>in</strong> the accuracy of the answers obta<strong>in</strong>ed<br />

with the four questions. (However, almost 10% of respondents refused to<br />

answer question 1, while only 1% refused to answer question 4, and this difference<br />

is significant.)<br />

On the other hand, if you ask people about their alcohol consumption, or<br />

whether they ever shoplifted when they were children, or whether they have<br />

family members who have had mental illness, or how many sexual partners<br />

they’ve had, then even small changes <strong>in</strong> the word<strong>in</strong>g can have significant

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