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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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The Foundations of Social <strong>Research</strong> 43<br />

The operational def<strong>in</strong>ition of the variable ‘‘parents’ career aspirations for<br />

their children’’ was useless. Here’s the operational def<strong>in</strong>ition that should have<br />

been used <strong>in</strong> the study of Chicano parents’ aspirations for their children’s<br />

careers:<br />

Go to the homes of the respondents. Us<strong>in</strong>g the native language of the respondents<br />

(Spanish or English as the case may be), talk to parents about what they want<br />

their high school-age children to be do<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> 10 years. Explore each answer <strong>in</strong><br />

depth and f<strong>in</strong>d out why parents give each answer.<br />

Ask specifically if the parents are tell<strong>in</strong>g you what they th<strong>in</strong>k their children<br />

will be do<strong>in</strong>g or what they want their children to be do<strong>in</strong>g. If parents hesitate,<br />

say: ‘‘Suppose noth<strong>in</strong>g stood <strong>in</strong> the way of your [son] [daughter] becom<strong>in</strong>g anyth<strong>in</strong>g<br />

they wanted to be. What would you like them to be do<strong>in</strong>g ten years from<br />

now?’’<br />

Write down what the parents say and code it for the follow<strong>in</strong>g possible scores:<br />

1 unambivalently <strong>in</strong> favor of children go<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>to high-status occupations; 2 <br />

ambivalent about children go<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>to high-status occupations; 3 unambivalently<br />

<strong>in</strong> favor of children go<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>to low- or middle-status occupations.<br />

Use Stricker’s (1988) occupation scale to decide whether the occupations<br />

selected by parents as fitt<strong>in</strong>g for their children are high, middle, or low status. Be<br />

sure to take and keep notes on what parents say are the reasons for their selections<br />

of occupations.<br />

Notice that tak<strong>in</strong>g an ethnographic—a so-called qualitative—approach did not<br />

stop us from be<strong>in</strong>g operational.<br />

Operationism is often crude, but that, too, can be a strength. Robert Wuthnow<br />

(1976) operationalized the concept of religiosity <strong>in</strong> 43 countries us<strong>in</strong>g<br />

UNESCO data on the number of books published <strong>in</strong> those countries and the<br />

fraction of those books classified as religious literature. Now that’s crude.<br />

Still, Wuthnow’s measure of ‘‘average religiosity’’ correlates with seven out<br />

of eight <strong>in</strong>dicators of modernity. For example, the higher the literacy rate <strong>in</strong><br />

1952, the lower the religiosity <strong>in</strong> 1972.<br />

I have no idea what that means, but I th<strong>in</strong>k follow<strong>in</strong>g up Wuthnow’s work<br />

with more ref<strong>in</strong>ed measurements—to test hypotheses about the societal conditions<br />

that support or weaken religiosity—is a lot more excit<strong>in</strong>g than dismiss<strong>in</strong>g<br />

it because it was so audaciously crude.<br />

The Problem with Operationism<br />

Strict operationism creates a knotty philosophical problem. We make up<br />

concepts and measurement turns these abstractions <strong>in</strong>to reality. S<strong>in</strong>ce there are<br />

many ways to measure the same abstraction, the reality of any concept h<strong>in</strong>ges

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