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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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Direct and Indirect Observation 443<br />

ur<strong>in</strong>als and made the measurements. The problem was, the observer couldn’t<br />

hear flies unzipp<strong>in</strong>g and ur<strong>in</strong>e hitt<strong>in</strong>g the water from <strong>in</strong>side the stall—so the<br />

researchers used a periscopic prism, tra<strong>in</strong>ed on the area of <strong>in</strong>terest, to make<br />

the observations directly.<br />

Personally, I doubt that many people would have objected to the study if<br />

Middlemist and his colleagues had just lurked <strong>in</strong> the restroom and done simple,<br />

unobtrusive observation. But when they contrived to make men ur<strong>in</strong>ate <strong>in</strong><br />

a specific place, when they contrived to manipulate the dependent variable<br />

(ur<strong>in</strong>ation time), and, above all, when they got that periscope <strong>in</strong>to the act, that<br />

changed matters. This is a clear case of <strong>in</strong>vasion of privacy by researchers, <strong>in</strong><br />

my view.<br />

In a severe critique of the research, Koocher (1977:120) said that ‘‘at the<br />

very least, the design seems laughable and trivial.’’ Middlemist et al.<br />

(1977:123) defended themselves, say<strong>in</strong>g that ‘‘we believe . . . that the pilot<br />

observation and the experiment together constitute an example of well-controlled<br />

field research, adequate to test the null hypothesis that closeness has<br />

no effect’’ on the duration of ur<strong>in</strong>ation among males <strong>in</strong> public restrooms.<br />

Actually, Middlemist et al.’s study design was anyth<strong>in</strong>g but trivial. In fact, it<br />

was quite elegant. Whether it was ethical is another matter, as is whether the<br />

knowledge they were after was worth do<strong>in</strong>g the experiment at all.<br />

Passive Deception<br />

Passive deception <strong>in</strong>volves no experimental manipulation of <strong>in</strong>formants to<br />

get them to act <strong>in</strong> certa<strong>in</strong> ways. Humphreys’s first, strictly observational study<br />

(not the one where he used a pretext to <strong>in</strong>terview people <strong>in</strong> their homes)<br />

<strong>in</strong>volved passive deception. He made his observations <strong>in</strong> public places where<br />

he had every right to be <strong>in</strong> the first place. He took no names down, and there<br />

were no data that could be traced to any particular <strong>in</strong>dividual. Humphreys<br />

observed felonies, and that makes the case more complex. But <strong>in</strong> my op<strong>in</strong>ion,<br />

he had the right to observe others <strong>in</strong> public places, irrespective of whether<br />

those observed believed that they would or would not be observed. What he<br />

did with his observations—follow<strong>in</strong>g people up by track<strong>in</strong>g them through<br />

their license plates—is another matter.<br />

Anthropologists use passive deception all the time. I have spent hours pretend<strong>in</strong>g<br />

to be a shopper <strong>in</strong> department stores and have observed mothers who<br />

are discipl<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g their children. I have played the role of a stroll<strong>in</strong>g tourist on<br />

Mexican beaches (an easy role to play, s<strong>in</strong>ce that was exactly what I was) and<br />

recorded how American and Mexican families occupied beach space. I have<br />

surreptitiously clocked the time it takes for people who were walk<strong>in</strong>g along<br />

the streets of Athens (Greece), New York City, Ga<strong>in</strong>esville (Florida), and

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