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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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Nonprobability Sampl<strong>in</strong>g and Choos<strong>in</strong>g Informants 197<br />

analytic categories you’re develop<strong>in</strong>g and ask whether the categories are correct.<br />

In other words, encourage the <strong>in</strong>formant to become the ethnographer.<br />

I’ve worked with Jesús Sal<strong>in</strong>as s<strong>in</strong>ce 1962. In 1971, I was about to write an<br />

ethnography of his culture, the Ñähñu of central Mexico, when he mentioned<br />

that he’d be <strong>in</strong>terested <strong>in</strong> writ<strong>in</strong>g an ethnography himself. I dropped my project<br />

and taught him to read and write Ñähñu. Over the next 15 years, Sal<strong>in</strong>as<br />

produced four volumes about the Ñähñu people—volumes that I translated and<br />

from which I learned many th<strong>in</strong>gs that I’d never have learned had I written the<br />

ethnography myself. For example, Ñähñu men engage <strong>in</strong> rhym<strong>in</strong>g duels, much<br />

like the ‘‘dozens’’ of African Americans. I wouldn’t have thought to ask about<br />

those duels because I had never witnessed one (see Bernard and Sal<strong>in</strong>as<br />

Pedraza 1989).<br />

Just as Sal<strong>in</strong>as has <strong>in</strong>fluenced my th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g about Mexican Indian life, Sal<strong>in</strong>as’s<br />

ethnography was heavily <strong>in</strong>fluenced by his association with me. We’ve<br />

discussed and analyzed parts of Ñähñu culture over the years and we’ve even<br />

argued over <strong>in</strong>terpretation of observed facts. (More about all this <strong>in</strong> the section<br />

on native ethnography <strong>in</strong> chapter 17 on text analysis, plus a different perspective<br />

by Harry Wolcott [1999].)<br />

F<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g Key Informants<br />

One of the most famous key <strong>in</strong>formants <strong>in</strong> the ethnographic literature is<br />

Doc <strong>in</strong> William Foote Whyte’s Street Corner Society (1981 [1943]). Whyte<br />

studied ‘‘Cornerville,’’ an Italian American neighborhood <strong>in</strong> a place he called<br />

‘‘Eastern City.’’ (Cornerville was the North End of Boston.) Whyte asked<br />

some social workers if they knew anyone who could help Whyte with his<br />

study. One social worker told Whyte to come to her office and meet a man<br />

whom she thought could do the job. When Whyte showed up, the social<br />

worker <strong>in</strong>troduced him to Doc and then left the room. Whyte nervously<br />

expla<strong>in</strong>ed his predicament, and Doc asked him ‘‘Do you want to see the high<br />

life or the low life?’’ (Whyte 1989:72).<br />

Whyte couldn’t believe his luck. He told Doc he wanted to see all he could,<br />

learn as much as possible about life <strong>in</strong> the neighborhood. Doc told him:<br />

Any nights you want to see anyth<strong>in</strong>g, I’ll take you around. I can take you to<br />

the jo<strong>in</strong>ts—the gambl<strong>in</strong>g jo<strong>in</strong>ts. I can take you around to the street corners. Just<br />

remember that you’re my friend. That’s all they need to know. I know these<br />

places and if I tell them you’re my friend, nobody will bother you. You just tell<br />

me what you want to see, and we’ll arrange it. . . . When you want some <strong>in</strong>formation,<br />

I’ll ask for it, and you listen. When you want to f<strong>in</strong>d out their philosophy of<br />

life, I’ll start an argument and get it for you. (ibid.)

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