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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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The Foundations of Social <strong>Research</strong> 39<br />

although there can be no objective def<strong>in</strong>ition of middle age, we can at least<br />

agree on what we mean by ‘‘middle age’’ for a particular study and on how to<br />

measure the concept.<br />

Complex variables are conceptually def<strong>in</strong>ed by reduc<strong>in</strong>g them to a series of<br />

simpler variables. Say<strong>in</strong>g that ‘‘the people <strong>in</strong> this village are highly acculturated’’<br />

can be <strong>in</strong>terpreted <strong>in</strong> many ways. But if you state clearly that you<br />

<strong>in</strong>clude ‘‘be<strong>in</strong>g bil<strong>in</strong>gual,’’ ‘‘work<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the national economy,’’ and ‘‘go<strong>in</strong>g to<br />

school’’ <strong>in</strong> your conceptual def<strong>in</strong>ition of acculturation, then at least others will<br />

understand what you’re talk<strong>in</strong>g about when you say that people are ‘‘highly<br />

acculturated.’’<br />

Similarly, ‘‘machismo’’ might be characterized by ‘‘a general feel<strong>in</strong>g of<br />

male superiority,’’ accompanied by ‘‘<strong>in</strong>secure behavior <strong>in</strong> relationships with<br />

women.’’ Intelligence might be conceptually def<strong>in</strong>ed as ‘‘the ability to th<strong>in</strong>k <strong>in</strong><br />

abstractions and to generalize from cases.’’ These def<strong>in</strong>itions have someth<strong>in</strong>g<br />

important <strong>in</strong> common: They have no external reality aga<strong>in</strong>st which to test their<br />

truth value.<br />

Conceptual def<strong>in</strong>itions are at their most powerful when they are l<strong>in</strong>ked<br />

together to build theories that expla<strong>in</strong> research results. When the United<br />

Nations was founded <strong>in</strong> 1945, the hope was that trade between <strong>in</strong>dustrialized<br />

and non<strong>in</strong>dustrialized countries of the world would result <strong>in</strong> economic development<br />

for everyone. The economies of the developed countries would<br />

expand and the benefits of an expand<strong>in</strong>g economy would be seen <strong>in</strong> the underdeveloped<br />

countries. A decade later, it was obvious that this wasn’t what was<br />

happen<strong>in</strong>g. The rich countries were gett<strong>in</strong>g richer and the poor countries were<br />

gett<strong>in</strong>g poorer.<br />

Raul Prebisch, an Argent<strong>in</strong>ian economist who worked at the UN, argued<br />

that under colonialism, rich countries were import<strong>in</strong>g raw materials from poor<br />

countries to produce manufactured goods and that poor countries had come to<br />

depend economically on the rich countries. Prebisch’s ‘‘dependency theory’’<br />

l<strong>in</strong>ks the concept of ‘‘control of capital’’ with those of ‘‘mutual security’’ and<br />

‘‘economic dependency,’’ and the l<strong>in</strong>kage helps expla<strong>in</strong> why economic development<br />

often results <strong>in</strong> some groups w<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g up with less access to capital<br />

than they had before a development program (Prebisch 1984, 1994).<br />

Conceptual def<strong>in</strong>itions are at their weakest <strong>in</strong> the conduct of research itself,<br />

because concepts have no empirical basis—we have to make them up to study<br />

them.<br />

There is noth<strong>in</strong>g wrong with this. There are three th<strong>in</strong>gs one wants to do <strong>in</strong><br />

any science: (1) describe a phenomenon of <strong>in</strong>terest; (2) expla<strong>in</strong> what causes<br />

it; and (3) predict what it causes. The existence of a conceptual variable is<br />

<strong>in</strong>ferred from what it predicts—how well it makes theoretical sense out of a<br />

lot of data.

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