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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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The Foundations of Social <strong>Research</strong> 31<br />

Still, we know that there are gradations of sk<strong>in</strong> color besides black and<br />

white, so it’s reasonable to ask whether people who are more black are more<br />

likely to be a victim of homicide, to die <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>fancy, to be poor, etc. Around<br />

1970, medical researchers began to f<strong>in</strong>d a relation <strong>in</strong> the United States between<br />

darkness of sk<strong>in</strong> color and blood pressure among people labeled ‘‘Blacks’’<br />

(see Boyle 1970; Harburg et al. 1978). The darker the sk<strong>in</strong>, the higher blood<br />

pressure was likely to be.<br />

Later, researchers began to f<strong>in</strong>d that education and social class were more<br />

important predictors of high blood pressure among Blacks than was darkness<br />

of sk<strong>in</strong> color (see Keil et al. 1977, 1981). This meant that darker-sk<strong>in</strong>ned people<br />

were more likely to be the victims of discrim<strong>in</strong>ation and, as a consequence,<br />

uneducated and poor. Poverty causes stress and poor diet, both of which are<br />

direct causes of high blood pressure.<br />

But suppose we treated sk<strong>in</strong> color as the cont<strong>in</strong>uous variable it really is<br />

rather than as a dichotomous variable? Clarence Gravlee (2002b) did this <strong>in</strong><br />

his study of race and blood pressure <strong>in</strong> Puerto Rico. He measured sk<strong>in</strong> color<br />

<strong>in</strong> two ways. First, he showed people a l<strong>in</strong>e with n<strong>in</strong>e numbers on it and asked<br />

them to rate themselves from light to dark by tell<strong>in</strong>g him which number best<br />

described their sk<strong>in</strong> color. Then he measured the color of people’s <strong>in</strong>ner arm<br />

with a photospectrometer. The first measure is emic (what people th<strong>in</strong>k, themselves,<br />

about their color) and the second is etic (an objective, external measurement<br />

that doesn’t depend on what people th<strong>in</strong>k).<br />

Now, etic sk<strong>in</strong> color—the amount of melan<strong>in</strong> that people have <strong>in</strong> their sk<strong>in</strong>,<br />

as measured by a photospectrometer—by itself doesn’t account for variation<br />

<strong>in</strong> blood pressure. But the difference between etic sk<strong>in</strong> color and what people<br />

say their color is is strongly associated with people’s blood pressure (Gravlee<br />

2002b:182). The relationship between these variables is anyth<strong>in</strong>g but simple.<br />

Poor people who rate themselves as hav<strong>in</strong>g darker sk<strong>in</strong> than they really have<br />

are likely to have higher blood pressure. For middle-class people, it’s the other<br />

way around: They are likely to have lower blood pressure when they rate their<br />

sk<strong>in</strong> color as darker than it really is. The puzzle requires a lot more work, but<br />

this much is clear: Variation <strong>in</strong> blood pressure is not caused by melan<strong>in</strong> (Gravlee<br />

and Dressler 2005).<br />

It may not be possible for everyone who uses sk<strong>in</strong> color as an <strong>in</strong>dependent<br />

variable to measure it with a photospectrometer (the gadgets are very expensive),<br />

but if we did this, we could assess whether white schoolteachers react<br />

more negatively to darker-sk<strong>in</strong>ned black children than they do to lightersk<strong>in</strong>ned<br />

black children, and if so, by how much. This would help us account<br />

for some of the variation <strong>in</strong> black children’s school scores as a function of<br />

teacher reaction to sk<strong>in</strong> color. This, <strong>in</strong> turn, would show how sk<strong>in</strong> color leads

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