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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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482 Chapter 17<br />

The most important f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> Hutch<strong>in</strong>s’s account, though, is not the fact<br />

that the Trobrianders have a schema for deal<strong>in</strong>g with property disputes and<br />

that their schema—with its matril<strong>in</strong>eal clans and pokala exchange, and so<br />

on—is very different from our own. Hutch<strong>in</strong>s shows that, with<strong>in</strong> their schema,<br />

the Trobrianders use the same logic as we would use <strong>in</strong> com<strong>in</strong>g to a decision<br />

<strong>in</strong> a dispute. This implies that the rules of logic are universal and it lays to<br />

waste the idea that technologically primitive peoples are not up to the abstract<br />

logic that Westerners are so proud of <strong>in</strong>vent<strong>in</strong>g (ibid.:128).<br />

The American marriage schema. Naomi Qu<strong>in</strong>n <strong>in</strong>terviewed 11 American<br />

couples about marriage. The couples came from different parts of the country.<br />

Some were recently married, others were married a long time. And they represented<br />

various occupations, education levels, and ethnic and religious groups.<br />

Each of the 22 people were <strong>in</strong>terviewed separately for 15 to 16 hours, and the<br />

<strong>in</strong>terviews were transcribed.<br />

Qu<strong>in</strong>n has analyzed this body of text to discover the concepts underly<strong>in</strong>g<br />

American marriage and to show how these concepts are tied together—how<br />

they form a cultural schema, shared by people from different backgrounds<br />

about what constitutes success and failure <strong>in</strong> marriage (Qu<strong>in</strong>n 1982, 1987,<br />

1992, 1996, 1997).<br />

Qu<strong>in</strong>n’s method is to look for metaphors <strong>in</strong> rhetoric and to deduce the schemas,<br />

or underly<strong>in</strong>g pr<strong>in</strong>ciples, that could produce those metaphors. For<br />

<strong>in</strong>stance, Qu<strong>in</strong>n’s <strong>in</strong>formants often compared marriages (their own and those<br />

of others) to manufactured and durable products (‘‘It was put together pretty<br />

good’’) and to journeys (‘‘We made it up as we went along; it was a sort of<br />

do-it-yourself project’’). And when people were surprised at the breakup of a<br />

marriage, they would say th<strong>in</strong>gs like ‘‘That marriage was like the Rock of<br />

Gibraltar’’ or ‘‘It was nailed <strong>in</strong> cement.’’ People use these metaphors because<br />

they assume that their listeners know that cement and the Rock of Gibraltar<br />

are th<strong>in</strong>gs that last forever.<br />

The method of look<strong>in</strong>g at metaphors as <strong>in</strong>dicators of schemas was developed<br />

by George Lakoff and Mark Johnson (2003 [1980]), but Qu<strong>in</strong>n goes further.<br />

She reasons that if schemas are what make it possible for people to fill<br />

<strong>in</strong> around the bare bones of a metaphor, then the metaphors must be surface<br />

phenomena and cannot themselves be the basis for shared understand<strong>in</strong>g. She<br />

tries to understand how metaphors group together and f<strong>in</strong>ds that the hundreds<br />

of metaphors <strong>in</strong> her enormous corpus of text all fit <strong>in</strong>to just eight classes: last<strong>in</strong>gness,<br />

sharedness, compatibility, mutual benefit, difficulty, effort, success<br />

(or failure), and risk of failure.<br />

The classes of metaphors, the underly<strong>in</strong>g concepts, are l<strong>in</strong>ked together <strong>in</strong> a<br />

schema that guides the discourse of ord<strong>in</strong>ary Americans about marriage. Here<br />

is Qu<strong>in</strong>n’s understand<strong>in</strong>g of that schema:

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