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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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140 Chapter 5<br />

population density, so that the chance for <strong>in</strong>teraction with strangers would be<br />

about equal <strong>in</strong> each run of the experiment, and he used two <strong>in</strong>dependent<br />

observer-recorders.<br />

As Bochner po<strong>in</strong>ts out, however, there were still design flaws that threatened<br />

the <strong>in</strong>ternal validity of the experiment (1980:337). As it happens, the<br />

<strong>in</strong>terrater reliability of the two observers <strong>in</strong> this experiment was nearly perfect.<br />

But suppose the two observers shared the same cultural expectations about<br />

Aborig<strong>in</strong>al-white relations <strong>in</strong> urban Australia. They might have quite reliably<br />

misrecorded the cues that they were observ<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

Reactive and unobtrusive observations alike tell you what happened, not<br />

why. It is tempt<strong>in</strong>g to conclude that the Aborig<strong>in</strong>al woman was ignored<br />

because of active prejudice. But, says Bochner, ‘‘perhaps passersby ignored<br />

the Aborig<strong>in</strong>al ...because they felt a personal approach might be misconstrued<br />

as patroniz<strong>in</strong>g’’ (ibid.:338).<br />

In Bochner’s third study, a young white or Aborig<strong>in</strong>al woman walked <strong>in</strong>to<br />

a butcher’s shop and asked for 10 cents’ worth of bones for her pet dog. The<br />

dependent variables <strong>in</strong> the experiment were the weight and quality of the<br />

bones. (An <strong>in</strong>dependent dog fancier rated the bones on a 3-po<strong>in</strong>t scale, without<br />

know<strong>in</strong>g how the bones were obta<strong>in</strong>ed, or why.) Each woman visited seven<br />

shops <strong>in</strong> a s<strong>in</strong>gle middle-class shopp<strong>in</strong>g district.<br />

In both amount and quality of bones received, the white woman did better<br />

than the Aborig<strong>in</strong>al, but the differences were not statistically significant—the<br />

sample was just too small so no conclusions could be drawn from that study<br />

alone. Taken all together, though, the three studies done by Bochner and his<br />

students comprise a powerful set of <strong>in</strong>formation about Aborig<strong>in</strong>al-white relations<br />

<strong>in</strong> Sydney. Naturalistic experiments have their limitations, but they often<br />

produce <strong>in</strong>tuitively compell<strong>in</strong>g results.<br />

Are Field Experiments Ethical?<br />

Field experiments come <strong>in</strong> a range of ethical varieties, from <strong>in</strong>nocuous to<br />

borderl<strong>in</strong>e to downright ugly. I see no ethical problems with the lost-letter<br />

technique. When people mail one of the lost letters, they don’t know that they<br />

are tak<strong>in</strong>g part <strong>in</strong> an experiment, but that doesn’t bother me. Personally, I see<br />

no harm <strong>in</strong> the experiment to test whether people vent their anger by honk<strong>in</strong>g<br />

their car horns more quickly at people they th<strong>in</strong>k are lower socioeconomic<br />

class. These days, however, with road rage an <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g problem, I don’t recommend<br />

repeat<strong>in</strong>g Doob and Gross’s experiment.<br />

Randomized field experiments, used mostly <strong>in</strong> evaluation research, can be<br />

problematic. Suppose you wanted to know whether f<strong>in</strong>es or jail sentences are

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