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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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46 Chapter 2<br />

This operationalization of the variable ‘‘religious affiliation’’ has two<br />

important characteristics: It is exhaustive and mutually exclusive. The famous<br />

‘‘other’’ category <strong>in</strong> nom<strong>in</strong>al variables makes the list exhaustive—that is, all<br />

possible categories have been named <strong>in</strong> the list—and the <strong>in</strong>struction to ‘‘check<br />

one’’ makes the list mutually exclusive. (More on this <strong>in</strong> chapter 10 when we<br />

discuss questionnaire design.)<br />

‘‘Mutually exclusive’’ means that th<strong>in</strong>gs can’t belong to more than one category<br />

of a nom<strong>in</strong>al variable at a time. We assume, for example, that people who<br />

say they are Catholic generally don’t say they are Moslem. I say ‘‘generally’’<br />

because life is complicated and variables that seem mutually exclusive may<br />

not be. Some citizens of Lebanon have one Catholic and one Moslem parent<br />

and may th<strong>in</strong>k of themselves as both Moslem and Catholic.<br />

Most people th<strong>in</strong>k of themselves as either male or female, but not everyone<br />

does. The prevalence of transsexuals <strong>in</strong> human populations is not known precisely,<br />

but worldwide, it is likely to be between one <strong>in</strong> ten thousand and one <strong>in</strong><br />

a hundred thousand for male-to-female transsexuals (biological males whose<br />

gender identity is female) and between one <strong>in</strong> a hundred thousand and one <strong>in</strong><br />

four hundred thousand for female-to-male transsexuals (Cohen-Kettenis and<br />

Gooren 1999).<br />

Most people th<strong>in</strong>k of themselves as a member of one so-called race or<br />

another, but more and more people th<strong>in</strong>k of themselves as belong<strong>in</strong>g to two or<br />

more races. In 2000, the U.S. Census offered people the opportunity to check<br />

off more than one race from six choices: White, Black or African American,<br />

American Indian or Alaska Native, Asian, Native Hawaiian and other Pacific<br />

islander, and some other race. Nearly seven million people (2.4% of the 281<br />

million <strong>in</strong> the United States <strong>in</strong> 2000) checked more than one of the six options<br />

(Grieco and Cassidy 2001).<br />

And when it comes to ethnicity, the requirement for mutual exclusivity is<br />

just hopeless. There are Chicano African Americans, Ch<strong>in</strong>ese Cuban Americans,<br />

Filip<strong>in</strong>o Cherokees, and so on. This just reflects the complexity of real<br />

life, but it does make analyz<strong>in</strong>g data more complicated s<strong>in</strong>ce each comb<strong>in</strong>ation<br />

of attributes has to be treated as a separate category of the variable ‘‘ethnicity’’<br />

or collapsed <strong>in</strong>to one of the larger categories. More about this <strong>in</strong> chapters<br />

19 and 20, when we get to data analysis.<br />

Occupation is a nom<strong>in</strong>al variable, but lots of people have more than one<br />

occupation. People can be peasant farmers and makers of fireworks displays<br />

for festivals; they can be herbalists and jewelers; or they can be pediatric<br />

oncology nurses and antique car salespeople at the same time. A list of occupations<br />

is a measur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>strument at the nom<strong>in</strong>al level: You hold each person<br />

up aga<strong>in</strong>st the list and see which occupation(s) he or she has (have).<br />

Nom<strong>in</strong>al measurement—nam<strong>in</strong>g th<strong>in</strong>gs—is qualitative measurement.

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