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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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448 Chapter 15<br />

holds, some of which had disposals, some of which did not. They studied<br />

these 32 households for 5 weeks and developed a ‘‘garbage disposal correction<br />

factor’’ (Rathje 1984:16).<br />

As the project went on, researchers learned that some families were recycl<strong>in</strong>g<br />

all their alum<strong>in</strong>um cans, while others were throw<strong>in</strong>g theirs <strong>in</strong> the trash.<br />

This made it difficult to compare households regard<strong>in</strong>g their consumption of<br />

soft dr<strong>in</strong>ks and beer. Some families had compost heaps that they used as fertilizer<br />

for their vegetable gardens. This distorted the refuse count for those families.<br />

Garbage Project researchers had to develop correction factors for all of<br />

these biases, too (see Harrison 1976).<br />

As with much unobtrusive research, the Garbage Project raised some difficult<br />

ethical problems. To protect the privacy of the households <strong>in</strong> the study,<br />

no addresses or names of household members are recorded. All personal<br />

items, such as photographs and letters, are thrown out without be<strong>in</strong>g exam<strong>in</strong>ed.<br />

The hundreds of student sorters who have worked on the project have<br />

signed pledges not to save anyth<strong>in</strong>g from the refuse they exam<strong>in</strong>e. All the<br />

sampl<strong>in</strong>g, sort<strong>in</strong>g, and data analysis procedures are approved by the Human<br />

Subjects <strong>Research</strong> Committee of the University of Arizona.<br />

The Garbage Project received consistent coverage <strong>in</strong> the press, both nationally<br />

and locally <strong>in</strong> Tucson. In 1984, after 10 years of work, Hughes reported<br />

that ‘‘no public concern over the issue of personal privacy has been expressed,<br />

and community response has been supportive’’ (Hughes 1984:42). With<br />

proper safeguards, trace measures can be used to generate useful data about<br />

human behavior.<br />

Archival <strong>Research</strong><br />

One of the great advantages to do<strong>in</strong>g archival research is that it is truly nonreactive.<br />

Whether you’re study<strong>in</strong>g archival records of births, migrations, visits<br />

to a hospital, or purchases of hybrid seed, people can’t change their behavior<br />

after the fact. Of course, the orig<strong>in</strong>al data might have been collected reactively,<br />

but that’s one reason why historians demand such critical exam<strong>in</strong>ation of<br />

sources.<br />

Another advantage of do<strong>in</strong>g what Carol<strong>in</strong>e Brettell calls ‘‘fieldwork <strong>in</strong> the<br />

archives’’ (1998) is that you can study th<strong>in</strong>gs us<strong>in</strong>g archival data that would<br />

be too politically ‘‘hot’’ to study any other way. And archival research is <strong>in</strong>expensive.<br />

Be on the lookout for <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g archival materials: government<br />

reports, personal diaries or photo collections, <strong>in</strong>dustrial data, medical records,<br />

school records, wills, deeds, records of court cases, tax rolls, and land-hold<strong>in</strong>g<br />

records.

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