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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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50 Chapter 2<br />

hypotheses requires many units of analysis, usually a sample from a large population—Navajos,<br />

Chicano migrants, Yanomami warriors, women <strong>in</strong> trade<br />

unions <strong>in</strong> Rio de Janeiro, runaway children who live on the street, people who<br />

go to chiropractors, Hispanic patrol officers <strong>in</strong> the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization<br />

Service who work on the border between the United States and<br />

Mexico.<br />

Although most research <strong>in</strong> social science is about populations of people,<br />

many other th<strong>in</strong>gs can be the units of analysis. You can focus on farms <strong>in</strong>stead<br />

of farmers, or on unions <strong>in</strong>stead of union members, or on wars <strong>in</strong>stead of warriors.<br />

You can study marriage contracts; folk tales, songs, and myths; and<br />

countries, cultures, and cities.<br />

Paul Doughty (1979), for example, surveyed demographic data on 134<br />

countries <strong>in</strong> order to make a list of ‘‘primate cities.’’ Geographers say that a<br />

country has a primate city if its most populous city is at least twice the size of<br />

its second-most populous city. Doughty, an anthropologist who had worked<br />

<strong>in</strong> Peru, looked at the population of the three largest cities <strong>in</strong> each country and<br />

coded whether the largest city was at least three times greater than the second<br />

and third cities comb<strong>in</strong>ed. He discovered that this extreme form of population<br />

concentration was associated with Lat<strong>in</strong> America more than with any other<br />

region of the world at the time.<br />

Holly Mathews (1985) did a study of how men and women <strong>in</strong> a Mexican<br />

village tell a famous folktale differently. The tale is called La Llorona (The<br />

Weep<strong>in</strong>g Woman) and is known all over Mexico. Mathews’s research has to<br />

do with the problem of <strong>in</strong>tracultural variation—different people tell<strong>in</strong>g the<br />

same story <strong>in</strong> different ways. She studied a sample of the population of La<br />

Llorona stories <strong>in</strong> a community where she was work<strong>in</strong>g. Each story, as told<br />

by a different person, had characteristics that could be compared across the<br />

sample of stories. One of the characteristics was whether the story was told<br />

by a man or by a woman, and this turned out to be the most important variable<br />

associated with the stories, which were the units of analysis. (See the section<br />

on schema analysis <strong>in</strong> chapter 17 for more about Mathews’s study of the La<br />

Llorona tales.)<br />

You can have more than one unit of analysis <strong>in</strong> a study. When Mathews<br />

looked for similarities and differences <strong>in</strong> tell<strong>in</strong>gs of the story, then the stories<br />

were the units of analysis. But when she looked at patterns <strong>in</strong> the tellers of the<br />

stories, then people were her units of analysis.<br />

Robert Aunger (2004:145–162) asked 424 people <strong>in</strong> four ethnic groups<br />

(Sudanic, Efe, Bantu, and Tswa) <strong>in</strong> the Ituri Forest (Democratic Republic of<br />

Congo) about food taboos. For each of 145 animals, Augner asked each <strong>in</strong>formant<br />

if it was edible, and if so, if there were any times when it should not be<br />

eaten. For example, some animals were said to be off limits to pregnant

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