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SAKIS GEKAS<br />

The increasing criminalisation of poverty and the rise of vagrant beggars worried both<br />

the authorities and moralising Ionians; the Ionian State implemented a number of<br />

measures, laws and regulations to contain vagrancy in the towns. Many Ionians migrated,<br />

whether every season, to the opposite mainland or for several years to ports in<br />

the Black Sea and North Africa 33 .<br />

Significant differences between the islands included the type of crop in which<br />

different islands specialised. The northern islands, Corfu and Paxos, produced olives<br />

and olive oil, while the southern islands, Kefalonia and Zante, produced raisins.<br />

The nature of the crops (vines and olives) and external demand made agricultural<br />

production vulnerable to fluctuations and living conditions in the Islands precarious.<br />

Both production and export levels fluctuated. From the outset the Ionian State<br />

pursued a policy of low duties on British-manufactured goods, despite the obvious<br />

and quickly spreading deleterious effect these imports had on local manufacturers;<br />

colonial officials were clearly aware of them as the impact of local manufacture was<br />

recorded. Independent government under imperial rule was, at least in the case of<br />

the Ionian Islands, a façade. British cotton good and wheat from the Black Sea in<br />

transit through Corfu were subject only to nominal duties 34 . The manufacture of<br />

cotton cloth, coarse wool and linen in the islands was replaced by British machinemade<br />

imports, destined also for neighbouring markets. In Corfu the manufacturing<br />

sector was halved in less than a decade from the late 1820s, from 20% of the working<br />

population down to 9%, while in Zante the number of people occupied in<br />

manufacturing fell from 3,042 in 1828 to 1,369 in 1859 or from 28% of the working<br />

population to 8% 35 . In Zante the local textile industry consisted of handicraft<br />

manufacture of cloth (silk and cotton) that employed about 25% of the working<br />

population in the 1820s 36 . By the end of the period this percentage had fallen to 5-<br />

10% at the most. In the 1820s British manufactured goods, especially textiles, destined<br />

for local consumption and re-export in neighbouring markets, reached the<br />

Ionian Islands en masse. This in turn led to a fall in the number of people employed<br />

in the manufacturing sector in both Corfu and Zante.<br />

The working population moved from manufacturing to agriculture, not the other<br />

way round, even if the actual number of people employed in agriculture declined over<br />

33 Julia A. Clancy-Smith, Mediterraneans. North Africa and Europe in an Age of Migration, c.<br />

1800-1900, University of California Press 2011, p. 40.<br />

34 J. Chircop, ‘British Imperial Network in the Mediterranean 1800-1870. A Study of Regional<br />

Fragmentation and Imperial Integration’ Ph.D, University of Essex, 1997, p. 147.<br />

35 Ionian Islands Blue Books of Statistics, CO 136/1392-1426, National Archives, London.<br />

36 A census of the island conducted in 1811, counting the occupations of more than 4,000<br />

people, showed a significant percentage of the population employed in cotton cloth spinning.<br />

1,260 people (most of them women perhaps) were recorded as employed in the cloth manufacture<br />

sector overall (spinning, weaving and ‘tailors’, thus, production and distribution),<br />

while 750 or 24% of those recorded were spinners, an impressively high number by many<br />

standards. P. Mercati, Saggio Storico Statistico della Citta et Isola di Zante, Zante 1811, published<br />

in Davy, Notes and Observations, Chapter Two.<br />

~ 312 ~

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