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SAKIS GEKAS<br />
the prison and the poorhouse in Corfu were built and account for the large deficit he<br />
left in the Treasury. No major construction works seem to have been carried out by<br />
the British-Ionian authorities during the 1850s and any plans that officials devised<br />
were seriously compromised by the rising deficit in state finances.<br />
The roads built by British administrators such as Resident Napier in Kefalonia figure<br />
prominently in arguments about the legacy of British rule in the Ionian Islands 60 .<br />
Roads were constructed in the 1820s both in Corfu and Kefalonia, but they needed<br />
maintenance; subsequent governments however did not carry this through, and infrastructure<br />
improvements did not last. Reports dating from around thirty years after the<br />
construction of roads in Kefalonia urged the central authorities to take action. Kefalas,<br />
a local official in Kefalonia, stressed to the Resident of the island that the roads in the<br />
Lixuri district had become impassable due to neglect; decay of the wooden bridges<br />
that linked Lixuri with the country but also the villages with grapevines was extensive.<br />
Growers submitted petitions highlighting that only traces of the original roads<br />
could be discerned. Villagers from the Lixuri area complained that the sums they paid<br />
in tax for road maintenance were wasted and they could neither reach their fields<br />
regularly for work nor use carts to bring back their produce or animals 61 .<br />
The already strained financial resources of the Ionian State deteriorated for other<br />
reasons, further eroding its ability to govern effectively. Revenue collection failed to<br />
improve during the period because of smuggling. In 1859 Commissioner Young argued<br />
that the unguarded coasts and ports of several of the islands rendered hopeless<br />
any attempts to improve revenue, a situation that was fiscally unsound as well<br />
as ‘demoralising’. At the same time, the cost of some public establishments was<br />
alarmingly high, in relation of course to the fiscal capabilities of the state. Young<br />
noted that ‘the Foundling Hospital at Zante costs a sum of £2,282 annually, being<br />
more than the third of the whole Municipal Revenue. It is not to be wondered at,<br />
that a Municipality complains of poverty when the third of its moderate revenue is<br />
devoted to rearing the illegitimate children of the population’ 62 .<br />
The comments of the High Commissioner on the Foundling Hospital of Zante<br />
speak of corruption and maladministration of funds but fail to address the actual<br />
lack of funds for the Municipal Authority of Zante. If less than £7,000 was allocated<br />
for the needs of the whole island it is clear how far removed, financially at least, the<br />
central administration in Corfu was; as a result the state of public establishments in<br />
all islands deteriorated after years of under-funding. From the 1840s onwards the<br />
government funded public works with increased borrowing from the Ionian Bank,<br />
established in 1839. The building of hospitals, piers, prisons and roads (to some extent,<br />
from the 1840s onwards) and drainage projects were all financed with loans<br />
from the bank 63 . From its earliest days the Ionian Bank lent increasingly to the<br />
60 Moschopoulos, 1988, p. 76.<br />
61 Arxeio 421, Doc 2, K.B., 11 and 12 November 1857.<br />
62 IIGG, 441, 28 November/10 December 1859.<br />
63 P. L. Cottrell, The Ionian Bank. An Imperial Institution, 1839-1864, Athens: Alpha Bank<br />
Historical Archives, 2007, p. 200.<br />
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