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THE COMPLEX NATURE OF AN OTTOMAN COMMERCIAL NETWORK<br />

All the hans on Çakmakcılar Yokuşu appear as Armenian-dominated over the<br />

three decades covered by the data with the sole exception of Valide Han with over<br />

80% Muslim presence, reaching 92% in 1914 23 . The share of the second prominent<br />

category, Greek, after a gradual decrease from 10% to 7% between 1894 and 1904,<br />

drops to 2% in 1914 (see Appendix VII). The other largest han on Çakmakcılar Yokuşu,<br />

Büyük Yeni Han, which was also the han of the brothers, presents over 50%<br />

Armenian domination between 1894 and 1904 and this reaches 64% in 1914 (see<br />

Appendix VIII). The increase in the Armenian population of the han is once again<br />

balanced by the decrease in its Greek share, from 20 in 1894 to 8% in 1914 (see<br />

Appendix VIII). Hence, what we see is another instance of Armenian replacement of<br />

the departing Greeks, while the Muslim population remains almost stable (around<br />

8% to 10%) over the three decades under scrutiny.<br />

Based on the analyses above regarding the ethno-religious profile of the brothers’<br />

immediate commercial environment in Istanbul in terms of areas of specialization<br />

and workplace, we can conclude that they were surviving in a non-Muslim environment<br />

and in line with their domination of the market, they were mostly collaborating<br />

with Armenian parties followed by Greeks. The decision of whom to collaborate<br />

with seems to be determined by the specifics of each context, as also appeared<br />

to be the case in the provincial branch. The following section, mostly based<br />

on the information provided in the correspondence between İlyas and Cemil and<br />

secondary literature on Manchester, will provide a general profile of the immediate<br />

commercial environment of the youngest brother in Manchester.<br />

Manchester branch<br />

İlyas’ letters to his younger brother Cemil are a rich resource on his business environment<br />

in Manchester. It is clear from İlyas’ comments that it had not been long<br />

since Cemil had moved to Manchester, where he would stay till after the beginning<br />

of World War I. According to the narrative of Hasan Mataracı, son of İlyas, it was<br />

an Armenian quarantine officer who brought Cemil to Manchester and helped him<br />

settle there 24 . We learn from İlyas’ correspondence that Cemil stayed with a family<br />

in Manchester. A letter in French signed by İlyas and sent to the Istanbul branch of<br />

Papayannis and Company, a major shipping company of the Papayannis family<br />

from Smyrna developed from its base in Liverpool and specializing in sea transport<br />

in the Eastern Mediterranean 25 , regarding the forwarding of the merchandise Cemil<br />

23 Valide Han used to be the home of Iranian merchants during the nineteenth century. It<br />

still has the Iranien masjid in the middle, which used to be one of the centres for Shi’ism in<br />

Istanbul. Thierry Zarcone, ‘La Situation Du Chi'isme À Istanbul Au Xixe Et Au Début Du<br />

Xxe Siècle', in Les Iraniens D'istanbul, ed. Th. Zarcone et F. Zarinebaf-Shahr (1993).<br />

24 Aliye F. Mataracı, Trade Letters as Instances of Economy, Ideology and Subjectivity (Istanbul:<br />

Ottoman Bank Archive and Research Centre, 2005), pp. 10-11.<br />

25 Gelina Harlaftis, Manos Charitatos and Helen Beneki, Ploto: Greek Shipowners from the Late 18th<br />

Century to the Eve of World War I, (Athens: Hellenic Literary and Historic Archive, 2003), p. 325.<br />

~ 439 ~

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