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76 Bilbao, Spain<br />

levels as the city became the main supplier for Great<br />

Britain during the latter’s imperial apogee prior to<br />

World War I. Structural adjustments in the Basque<br />

industry and the consolidation of liberalization and<br />

centralization policies undertaken by the various<br />

Spanish governments during the nineteenth and<br />

twentieth centuries, however, meant that Bilbao’s<br />

industry was much more geared to producing and<br />

selling in a protected Spanish market than competing<br />

in foreign arenas. Following the abolition of the<br />

Basque privilege to import goods duty-free, the city<br />

became fully integrated into the Spanish economy.<br />

In historical terms, Fordist Bilbao was an era of<br />

deglobalization for the city, especially the period<br />

from 1936 to 1973. Through its port, Bilbao continued<br />

to serve as a node in trade between Spain and<br />

the world, but uneven development within Spain<br />

helped Basque industrialists to execute a strategy of<br />

industrial expansion, which strengthened the structural<br />

ties between the city and the nation-state.<br />

These were the times when Bilbao’s per capita<br />

income was the highest of all Spanish <strong>cities</strong>.<br />

The decades of 1970 and 1980 represented the<br />

crisis of the Fordist model and the transformation<br />

of Bilbao into a “postindustrial” economy through<br />

restructuring and tertiarization. The political atmosphere<br />

in the Basque Country (marked by attempts<br />

by local nationalist elites to gain power quotas<br />

during the Spanish transition to democracy and by<br />

Basque nationalist ETA’s violent fight for independence)<br />

and the overall industrial policy implemented<br />

by the then socialist government in Madrid<br />

greatly influenced the fate of Bilbao’s steel manufacturing<br />

and shipbuilding industries. Because<br />

local plants were not adapted to the environment<br />

of lower industrial demand and had to be downsized<br />

or closed, the global restructuring of these<br />

sectors also contributed to Bilbao’s decay. The<br />

specific ways in which restructuring took place,<br />

however, were matters of political choice at the<br />

national and regional levels. Ironically, Bilbao’s<br />

strengths—Fordist industrial power, entrepreneurship,<br />

and linkages to the world system—made the<br />

city particularly vulnerable to world trends.<br />

Local and regional authorities were slow to<br />

react to the changing economic framework and<br />

circumstances, and Bilbao essentially became a<br />

Rustbelt city, but one with great autonomous<br />

power and state support that—unlike most Rustbelt<br />

<strong>cities</strong> elsewhere—would give it the resources and<br />

control to overcome a crisis situation. Starting in<br />

the late 1980s, and determined to reposition Bilbao<br />

as a rising metropolis among global <strong>cities</strong>, the local<br />

authorities developed an ambitious revitalization<br />

plan similar to other struggling urban economies in<br />

the United States and Europe. The critical, most<br />

visible piece of this plan became the Guggenheim<br />

Museum, projected to be built in an area called<br />

Abandoibarra, which became the urban megaproject<br />

in post-Fordist Bilbao.<br />

Abandoibarra: The Urban Megaproject<br />

Abandoibarra—a piece of industrial land in downtown<br />

Bilbao being transformed into a new central<br />

business district—exemplifies the global aspirations<br />

of the new Bilbao. Abandoibarra shows the<br />

contrast between the city’s globalization via revitalization<br />

plans and the “selling the city” strategy<br />

reflected in the planners’ global rhetoric, on the<br />

one hand, and the organizational and political<br />

obstacles present in local urban planning development<br />

and implementation on the other. The potential<br />

of the project to become Bilbao’s territorial<br />

link to the global economy has not yet been realized.<br />

Abandoibarra remains a global project in its<br />

aims but, in practice, is one of only local reach and<br />

impact, with foreign investment playing little significant<br />

role in the redevelopment of this downtown<br />

waterfront area. The role of Bilbao Ría 2000<br />

(an urban development corporation) in the development<br />

of Abandoibarra as manager of the project<br />

was significant, and the many project modifications<br />

implemented over time demonstrate that the<br />

global ambitions of the local elites often have to<br />

face internal strife and obstacles that might ultimately<br />

slow down or immobilize global megaprojects.<br />

In view of Abandoibarra’s fate, one is led to<br />

think that, because it has influenced contemporary<br />

urban planning’s organizational and managerial<br />

tools, globalization has acquired a relatively new<br />

dimension in recent times, with megaprojects representing<br />

the physical manifestation of urban<br />

elites’ entrepreneurialism and global aspirations.<br />

The Guggenheim Museum Bilbao<br />

All in all, however, it is the Guggenheim project that<br />

has put Bilbao on the map and the enterprise that<br />

represents the latest of Bilbao’s globalization efforts.<br />

The motives of Basque political leaders in bringing<br />

the museum to Bilbao, after a negotiation process in

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