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30 Apartheid<br />

the growth of Los Angeles was approved by its suburbs,<br />

their consent was generated by enormous pressure<br />

to get access to water. The consolidation of the<br />

city of New York in the late nineteenth century illustrates<br />

the opposite phenomenon. The decision to<br />

create the enlarged city of New York was made by<br />

the state legislature. But the legislature had previously<br />

sought to determine the attitudes of the<br />

affected jurisdictions by authorizing a nonbinding,<br />

advisory vote to be held in each area. All of the areas<br />

voted in favor of the consolidation, although the<br />

most important city, Brooklyn, did so only by the<br />

narrowest of margins (64,744 for, 64,467 against).<br />

Given the closeness of that vote, the state legislature<br />

did not immediately create the new city. Negotiations<br />

were undertaken to determine the appropriate process<br />

for writing the new city charter, and only after<br />

these negotiations had progressed did the state legislature,<br />

notwithstanding the objection of Brooklyn’s<br />

mayor, approve the consolidation in 1898.<br />

Many people concerned about the racial and<br />

class segregation of metropolitan areas support<br />

annexation as a solution. David Rusk made a<br />

forceful argument for this position in his book<br />

Cities without Suburbs by outlining the virtues of<br />

what he calls “elastic <strong>cities</strong>.” These days, however,<br />

annexation will not solve the problems generated<br />

by metropolitan fragmentation. Metropolitan<br />

areas have simply grown too big. Indeed, the history<br />

of annexation demonstrates that city expansion<br />

has never adequately captured the entire<br />

regional population for long. Those concerned<br />

about metropolitan growth are thus exploring<br />

alternative solutions to metropolitan fragmentation<br />

ranging from regional government to urban<br />

growth boundaries to modifying the legal structure<br />

of school financing and exclusionary zoning.<br />

Still, at least in some parts of the United States,<br />

annexation continues—as do the attempts to resist<br />

it. Sometimes annexation fights occur, pitting one<br />

possible annexing city against another, with each<br />

seeking to absorb a small but valuable portion of<br />

land into its borders. Even when annexations do<br />

not take place, the legal rules that make annexation<br />

easy or difficult can substantially affect interlocal<br />

relations. If central <strong>cities</strong> could annex their suburbs<br />

easily, the suburbs might well have an incentive to<br />

be more open to negotiations with the central city<br />

about issues such as revenue sharing. The suburbs<br />

might well think that revenue sharing is a better<br />

choice than annexation if both alternatives are<br />

available; they might oppose revenue sharing, on<br />

the other hand, if annexation were not an option.<br />

The arguments for and against annexation, and the<br />

alternative legal structures that enable or restrict it,<br />

thus continue to affect the future of <strong>cities</strong> in the<br />

United States.<br />

Gerald E. Frug<br />

See also Local Government; Patchwork Urbanism;<br />

Regional Governance; Suburbanization<br />

Further Readings<br />

Jackson, Kenneth T. 1985. Crabgrass Frontier: The<br />

Suburbanization of the United States. New York:<br />

Oxford University Press.<br />

Reynolds, Laurie. 1992. “Rethinking Municipal<br />

Annexation Powers.” Urban Lawyer 24:247–303.<br />

Rusk, David. 1993. Cities without Suburbs. Washington,<br />

DC: The Woodrow Wilson Center Press.<br />

Teaford, Jon C. 1979. City and Suburb: The Political<br />

Fragmentation of Metropolitan America, 1850–1970.<br />

Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.<br />

Ap A r t H e i d<br />

Apartheid refers to a formal, legally defined systematic<br />

attempt by a White supremacy government<br />

in the mid-twentieth century to organize all<br />

aspects of economic, social, cultural, and political<br />

life along racially defined lines with a view to promoting<br />

an ideology of separateness between race<br />

groups in South Africa. It had a particularly virulent<br />

expression in urban areas where the greatest<br />

likelihood of race mixing and “contamination”<br />

was likely to occur. In the contemporary era of<br />

rising intraurban and interurban inequality and<br />

segregation in many <strong>cities</strong> of the world as asymmetrical<br />

economic globalization impacts on citybuilding,<br />

the ideal and practice of urban apartheid<br />

in South Africa has become a powerful metaphor<br />

and precedent for understanding the dangers of<br />

unchecked urban inequality based on various<br />

forms of discrimination. This entry first explains<br />

the colonial origins of formal apartheid as introduced<br />

in 1948, in order to contextualize the key<br />

tenets of the system when it became enshrined in<br />

various pieces of legislation until its formal demise

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