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576 Other Global Cities<br />

“third worlds,” “North” and “South,” or “core”<br />

and “periphery,” simply as if they belonged to<br />

separate geographical spaces. Rather, they now<br />

resided together as part of the same space. As an<br />

analytical concept, then, global <strong>cities</strong> provided a<br />

site of analysis into how global power relations<br />

were being reconfigured.<br />

Yet, the concept was criticized for generalizing<br />

the city as a universal form, operating identically<br />

between the global South and global North. As<br />

well, characterization often relied on modernist<br />

assumptions about the development of advanced<br />

capitalist societies, with global <strong>cities</strong> likened to<br />

isolated containers of space, operating hierarchically<br />

within a network of global power. Against<br />

such critiques, interest emerged in studying alternative<br />

urban spaces through which to rethink the<br />

global city and the notion of the global. Recognizing<br />

that urbanization takes multiple forms, theorizing<br />

turned to the variety of new urban spaces arising<br />

with globalization alongside this network of global<br />

<strong>cities</strong>. These other global <strong>cities</strong> arise in the forms of<br />

<strong>cities</strong> of the South and other urban forms such as<br />

the favela, the slum, the detention center, the refugee<br />

camp, the zones d’attentes, and the exportprocessing<br />

zone. These are the spaces of Woomera,<br />

Sangatte, Guantánamo, and Dharavi (Mumbai), in<br />

which increasing numbers of people now find<br />

themselves living. Often designed as temporary<br />

and exceptional spaces to the city, they have<br />

become permanent features of settlement in the<br />

global system and a permanent way of life for millions.<br />

These other spaces are like global <strong>cities</strong> in<br />

that, first, they take on many of the features typically<br />

associated with city spaces. For example,<br />

urban planning of refugee camps resembles the<br />

planning of <strong>cities</strong> with similar requisites for food<br />

storage and distribution, hospitals, meeting places,<br />

schools, markets, and cemeteries. Second, like<br />

global <strong>cities</strong>, these other spaces are points of concentration<br />

operating in relation to one another as<br />

a network of spaces, albeit one of abjection, poverty,<br />

and exclusion rather than of wealth and<br />

power. Yet, the study of these spaces also interrogates<br />

the way in which global <strong>cities</strong> are more conventionally<br />

understood, for such spaces do not just<br />

exist alongside global <strong>cities</strong>. Rather these other<br />

spaces of marginalization make possible—and are<br />

constitutive of—global <strong>cities</strong> as sites of power<br />

and wealth.<br />

The Global City as Site of Exclusion<br />

Giorgio Agamben’s theorizing of the camp has<br />

been particularly influential in research on alternative<br />

spaces of exclusion. Agamben argues that the<br />

power of the sovereign lies in the “ban” or the exceptional<br />

power to shun a person from the political<br />

community. Through the ban, a person is forced to<br />

live the life of homo sacer (i.e., one who can be<br />

killed but not sacrificed). Excluding the individual<br />

from the political community forces one into a<br />

condition of what Agamben calls “bare life,” a<br />

way of living based on the simple biological existence<br />

shared with other living species. This way of<br />

living differs from the more desirable, qualified life<br />

a person lives in political community as a political<br />

subject with rights. Agamben argues that those<br />

banned from the political community or polis (the<br />

city or city-state) find themselves living in a “state<br />

of exception” but one that becomes permanent<br />

through the spatial organization of the state of<br />

exception in the form of the camp. Here the camp<br />

refers not just to the concentration camps of the<br />

past but to an ideal form that materializes in such<br />

arrangements as the zones d’attentes of French<br />

international airports or “guest houses” for asylum<br />

seekers. For, as spaces of exception, these<br />

camps are not just exceptional spaces but part of<br />

the normal order in that they are constitutive of<br />

the political community (the “city of men”). They<br />

are, in other words, the unacknowledged foundation<br />

upon which the global system rests.<br />

Agamben’s ideas about the centrality of the<br />

camp in relation to the city have been influential in<br />

spawning social theory investigating the camp and<br />

camp-like spaces as proper objects of analysis in<br />

their own right. These sites emerge not just incidentally<br />

alongside global <strong>cities</strong> but are integral to<br />

their continued existence as centers of knowledge<br />

and command, infrastructure, production and<br />

capital. These “other global <strong>cities</strong>” are, however,<br />

spaces of marginality and exclusion, where those<br />

lacking status, rights, and recognition find themselves<br />

servicing the global economy of the global<br />

<strong>cities</strong> network, not just as cheap labor but as expendable<br />

labor. Thus one strand of theorizing, most predominant<br />

in politics and sociology, investigates<br />

alternative spaces in the forms of refugee camps,<br />

immigration detention centers, and borderlands.<br />

Here investigation tends to center on exploring the

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