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not deter urban elites, including the owners of local<br />

banks, utilities, newspapers, and railroads, from<br />

promoting Los Angeles and Southern California as<br />

ideal destinations for migrants to the western<br />

United States. Creating Los Angeles as a place<br />

required work to define its hot, dry weather as<br />

something desirable rather than a breeding ground<br />

for disease, a task achieved by referring to the climate<br />

as Mediterranean. Similarly, the place was<br />

imbued with a mystique associated with Spanish<br />

and Mexican culture through associations with<br />

Helen Hunt Jackson’s Ramona, a widely read<br />

novel that romanticized Californio life.<br />

Advertisements in national and international publications<br />

touted the benefits of living in the Los<br />

Angeles area, relying upon the images of oranges,<br />

palm trees, snow­capped mountains, and ocean<br />

surf that would become heavily identified with the<br />

area.<br />

Placemaking in Los Angeles also required physical<br />

manipulations of space, most notably importing<br />

fresh water from the Owens Valley via a<br />

223­mile aqueduct. A public bond measure funded<br />

construction of the aqueduct, and local elites<br />

worked to promote public support for the project.<br />

The owners of the Los Angeles Times were especially<br />

well poised for this work, and the newspaper<br />

vigorously promoted funding the aqueduct. In<br />

turn, they benefited when an increased water supply<br />

facilitated urban growth and increased newspaper<br />

circulation. The owners of local companies<br />

including the Times, a regional streetcar company<br />

and electric utility, and several banks and title<br />

companies also benefited directly when the aqueduct<br />

allowed development of arid land in the San<br />

Fernando Valley that they had purchased in anticipation<br />

of the water’s delivery (the film Chinatown<br />

dramatizes these events). Together, these efforts<br />

helped transform a small city in a dry inland basin<br />

into a growing metropolis known nationally and<br />

internationally for its climate and quality of life.<br />

Although pronounced growth has replaced these<br />

associations with visions of traffic, poor air quality,<br />

and crime, elites still work to create positive<br />

impressions of Los Angeles.<br />

While placemaking in Los Angeles is particularly<br />

dramatic, the processes involved are similar to<br />

those seen in other locales where elites seek<br />

to increase the demand for land. These elites work<br />

to alter land to make it more useful and desirable,<br />

Placemaking<br />

601<br />

often directing public funds toward these ends.<br />

They work with boosters to ensure that the meanings<br />

associated with places are positive and to<br />

publicize the advantages of their place vis­à­vis<br />

others. Chambers of commerce and economic<br />

development bureaus often aid landowners and<br />

other urban elites in these efforts.<br />

Placemaking in Everyday Life<br />

In addition to overt efforts to construct places,<br />

the work of placemaking occurs more subtly and<br />

routinely as individuals make their lives. We live,<br />

work, and interact in places, and in doing so, we<br />

make and remake those places. For instance, we<br />

routinely alter places through direct action when<br />

we build or remodel a home, contribute our labor<br />

to a community park, or pick up litter in the street.<br />

Just as important, we routinely construct and<br />

reconstruct the meanings associated with places,<br />

and these meanings in turn motivate how we act<br />

toward places.<br />

Language is a fundamental and routine tool for<br />

placemaking. As we talk about places, they become<br />

visible and comprehensible and thus distinct from<br />

more abstract or meaningless spaces. Residents,<br />

visitors, journalists, and others routinely describe<br />

and evaluate places in terms that reflect and reinforce<br />

popular understandings of a locale. Places<br />

may be characterized in shorthand phrases that<br />

capture salient demographic, geographic, or economic<br />

aspects: for instance, college town, industrial<br />

city, or mountain hamlet. Other descriptions<br />

may be deeper and more complex, such as when<br />

residents reflect on why they moved to a given<br />

place or compare their own city to a seemingly<br />

similar place nearby.<br />

Scholars and artists take their own turns at narrative<br />

placemaking as well. Consider the visions of<br />

Chicago contained in Carl Sandburg’s poem<br />

(stacker of wheat, player with railroads) or the<br />

accounts of that city provided by Chicago School<br />

sociologists (e.g., The Hobo, The Gold Coast and<br />

the Slum, Black Metropolis). The position of their<br />

authors has allowed these narratives the power<br />

to endure and to continue shaping perceptions of<br />

the city.<br />

The work of narrative placemaking becomes<br />

quite pronounced when places are perceived as<br />

threatened with unwanted change, often from new

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