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iggest, most elegant department stores used innovative<br />

theatrical lighting and display. Like theaters<br />

that were also built during the late nineteenth century,<br />

and movie theaters, that grew during the<br />

1920s and 1930s, department stores were places of<br />

entertainment for masses of people, stoking their<br />

desire to buy with neon light, lots of plate glass,<br />

and a multitude of colors. Strolling along Main<br />

Street or Fifth Avenue to gaze at the displays in<br />

department store windows became a seasonal<br />

thrill. Moreover, just as men and women in those<br />

days dressed up to go to work in offices, so they<br />

dressed up to go downtown for shopping.<br />

Shopping helped make downtown a city’s major<br />

commercial center. From the late 1920s, merchants<br />

and real estate developers understood that the<br />

more foot traffic (especially that of women shoppers)<br />

downtown drew, the bigger businesses would<br />

grow. More shoppers also led to higher rents, a<br />

dynamic that encouraged local officials to enact<br />

zoning laws that further concentrated high-price<br />

and high-volume stores in the center. As a result,<br />

department stores, five and dimes, and eventually<br />

chain stores were located downtown while small,<br />

individually owned, “mom and pop” stores were<br />

spread out in residential neighborhoods.<br />

From the 1920s, however, downtown’s fortunes<br />

began to change. Shoppers who drove downtown to<br />

shop created too much congestion, and there were<br />

too few parking spaces for so many cars. During the<br />

Great Depression, little investment capital was<br />

available to modernize stores; when the Depression<br />

ended, after World War II, investors turned to new<br />

construction in the suburbs. By the 1950s, middleclass<br />

shoppers had massively moved to the suburbs,<br />

where real estate developers built shopping strips<br />

and malls that they could reach by car. Department<br />

stores and larger boutiques followed shoppers to<br />

the suburbs, opening branches in the malls and<br />

ignoring the needs of their downtown flagship<br />

stores. While land values sank downtown, shops<br />

became less exclusive, and cheaper chain stores<br />

expanded. Ethnic minorities of color, who were not<br />

welcome as homebuyers in most suburban developments,<br />

remained in the city and began to dominate<br />

the downtown as shoppers. This in turn lowered the<br />

social status of shopping downtown.<br />

Shopping malls were anchored by two major<br />

tenants, usually branches of department stores<br />

that still had headquarters in the city. Small stores,<br />

which were also increasingly branches of larger<br />

Shopping<br />

711<br />

chains, filled the “street” between the anchors,<br />

with the whole set of stores surrounded by huge<br />

parking lots. By the 1960s, many malls had<br />

enclosed the “street” in an air conditioned shell,<br />

installed landscaping, and built an indoor parking<br />

garage. This provided an almost completely privatized<br />

physical environment: Shoppers drove to the<br />

mall in their own car, shopped indoors in the “galleria,”<br />

and returned to the privacy of their home.<br />

But they clearly preferred the convenience and<br />

sense of exclusivity of shopping among likeminded<br />

suburbanites. The malls, although privately<br />

owned and subject to their owners’ rules,<br />

offered another kind of safe public space for modern<br />

sociability. Until women returned to the paid<br />

workforce in great numbers in the 1970s, malls<br />

were primarily women’s and children’s spaces,<br />

especially on weekdays—both isolating and isolated<br />

from the city’s clamor.<br />

Yet the mall concept won overwhelming acceptance.<br />

When, after the 1970s, developers became<br />

interested in rebuilding downtowns, they seized on<br />

the idea of transforming them into urban malls. In<br />

San Diego, a developer closed off downtown<br />

streets to create Horton Plaza; its enclosed space,<br />

visually coherent theme, indoor parking, and private<br />

security guards led to remarkable success. In<br />

Boston, another developer rehabilitated old warehouses<br />

to create a waterfront shopping mall,<br />

Faneuil Hall, and in Baltimore, the same developer<br />

used a mix of new and old construction to establish<br />

a “festival marketplace,” Harbor Place at<br />

Inner Harbor. These mixed use developments<br />

joined stores with hotels, convention centers, art<br />

museums, sports arenas, and aquariums, drawing<br />

tourists and suburbanites as well as city residents.<br />

This strategy suggested that shopping was too<br />

important a development tool to cater only to a<br />

local population, or alternatively, that downtown<br />

shopping required a larger customer base.<br />

Despite the success of some of these fantasy<br />

environments, department stores lost their power<br />

to anchor development. Shoppers preferred the<br />

low prices of discount chains like Wal-Mart,<br />

whose giant stores were initially located far<br />

from urban centers, and the rapidly changing<br />

fashions of specialized, small boutiques. In retrospect,<br />

shopping at a department store seems<br />

like a golden mean before markets broke into<br />

many different segments and tastes became<br />

polarized.

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