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752 Society of the Spectacle<br />

agents who were collectively and freely able to<br />

shape their destinies. For the situationists, the<br />

concept of the spectacle addresses an image-<br />

saturated world in which authentic life is supplanted<br />

by appearances and in which control of<br />

the image realm is of vital political significance.<br />

Their aim in coining the term was, to echo Marx’s<br />

famous line about the task facing philosophers,<br />

not merely to interpret the world but to change it.<br />

For them it was a weapon with which to combat<br />

dominant social powers and to seek alternatives.<br />

The terminology, if not the theoretical and<br />

political force of this situationist critique, has since<br />

been widely taken up by commentators. Often this<br />

has been part of descriptions or theorizations of<br />

the role of the mass media and technologies such<br />

as television and electronic communication in<br />

mediating and shaping contemporary social and<br />

cultural life. The phrase “society of the spectacle”<br />

has thus featured occasionally with, but more<br />

often without, acknowledgment of Debord and the<br />

situationists, alongside a number of other terms<br />

within postmodern cultural theory since the 1980s.<br />

Jean Baudrillard, for example, was indebted to<br />

Debord in his writings on simulation and the simulacrum<br />

while at the same time arguing that the<br />

conditions of the spectacle have been surpassed at a<br />

time of hyperreality. Supposedly evaporating with<br />

those conditions, as Baudrillard and some postmodernists<br />

suggest, is the possibility of revolutionary<br />

critique and resistance that drove the situationist<br />

project, claims that were met with withering<br />

responses from Debord during his lifetime as he<br />

never wavered from his commitment to revolution.<br />

Writings on the society of the spectacle by<br />

Debord and the situationists have influenced urban<br />

studies in a number of ways. Most directly this has<br />

been in relation to historical and contemporary<br />

accounts of the imaging of <strong>cities</strong> and the construction<br />

of spectacular urban spaces to be looked at<br />

and contemplated, from the remaking of nineteenth-century<br />

Paris to more recent redevelopment<br />

projects, expositions, and grand events. A sense of<br />

the spectacle as a mask that entertains and diverts<br />

its audiences, while it glosses over the social divisions<br />

and problems that remain underneath, has<br />

been prominent in much critical writing in this<br />

area. So too has the idea of the spectacle’s<br />

depoliticizing and passifying qualities as a powerful<br />

means of ensuring the consent, or at least<br />

acquiescence, of the population. Many references<br />

to situationist ideas within this area of urban studies,<br />

however, neglect their radical and totalizing<br />

perspectives. To appreciate their distinctive power<br />

more fully it is necessary to acknowledge their<br />

rootedness in Marxist thought, especially in critical<br />

writings on commodity fetishism and alienation<br />

from within the Hegelian–Marxist tradition, and<br />

their inseparability from a revolutionary political<br />

project. The importance the situationists gave to<br />

urbanism within this project is of particular pertinence<br />

to those concerned with the politics of urban<br />

space today.<br />

The Spectacle, Urbanism, and Revolution<br />

At times the situationists employed the term spectacle<br />

to refer to events, scenes, and places, referring<br />

disparagingly to the construction of urban or touristic<br />

spectacles in the plural. Debord wrote at the<br />

opening of The Society of the Spectacle, “The<br />

whole life of those societies in which modern conditions<br />

of production prevail presents itself as an<br />

immense accumulation of spectacles.” But as its<br />

title indicates, his book was concerned more with<br />

delineating and criticizing the spectacle as a condition.<br />

This condition entailed a prodigious expansion<br />

of the influence of the economy and the<br />

commodity over all aspects of social life, according<br />

to Debord. The mass media, advertising, and<br />

entertainment are only specific manifestations<br />

rather than determinants, he argued, emphasizing<br />

that the spectacle is “not a collection of images”<br />

but “a social relationship between people that is<br />

mediated by images.” It is “the outcome and the<br />

goal of the dominant mode of production” and, as<br />

such, it is “not something added to the real world”<br />

but is “the very heart of society’s real unreality.”<br />

Alienation and separation are its central characteristics<br />

as people live out roles and gestures presented<br />

to them rather than forging their own authentic<br />

paths. This is even the case with oppositional political<br />

stances, for the situationists were acutely sensitive<br />

to the ways in which radical art and politics are<br />

co-opted, repackaged, and sold back to people to<br />

become yet more fodder for the spectacle.<br />

Debord had no illusions about the supposedly<br />

socialist states of the Soviet Union, China, and<br />

elsewhere. His critique of the spectacle was directed<br />

at all modern societies, although he initially

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