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924 Urban Sociology<br />

interests and lifestyles, including those that are<br />

unusual, avant garde, and socially deviant. The<br />

dynamism of the combined diversities in the social<br />

environment of large <strong>cities</strong> provides encouragement<br />

that allows intellect, offbeat ideas, and subcultures<br />

to flourish, develop, and promote innovations that<br />

eventually diffuse and bring about cultural changes<br />

across society. To the extent that the concept<br />

“community” can be stretched to accommodate<br />

such groupings, this provides an example of what<br />

has been called, by Wellman and Leighton, “liberated”<br />

community, that is, a form of aspatial community<br />

freed from such concepts as “neighborhood.”<br />

The subcultural thesis appears to rescue the traditional<br />

ecological premise while standing the social<br />

isolation argument on its head: Instead, the larger the<br />

metropolitan population is, the greater is the potential<br />

for subcultures to flourish.<br />

Spatial Organization of Cities<br />

Although the evolution of ideas so far described<br />

may be said to be based on an essentially socialecological<br />

premise (and responses to it), urban<br />

ecology has taken on another, narrower meaning<br />

within urban sociology. This narrower tradition<br />

has to do with analyzing the development of the<br />

spatial distribution of land uses within the urban<br />

environment. The assumption that provided the<br />

basis for the development of urban spatial ecology<br />

as a distinct subfield of inquiry is that urban environments<br />

are essentially arenas within which competitive<br />

forces work out a balanced distribution of<br />

land uses. The key characteristics of urban ecology<br />

include tendencies toward localized area specialization<br />

within <strong>cities</strong>, the central location of services<br />

and activities most in demand, the spatial influence<br />

of prevailing forms of transportation technology,<br />

and the dynamic process of change—invasion and<br />

succession—where the agents of one use take a<br />

district from another segment of the population in<br />

an ordered process of rational evolution. The<br />

underlying force that creates this natural order is<br />

an economic competition where interests with different<br />

levels of resources bid for land parcels based<br />

on compatible adjacent uses and other strategic<br />

factors (e.g., transportation facilities or markets).<br />

Heavy industries, financial districts, entertainment<br />

districts, the residential clusters of different social<br />

classes, and so forth, tend to take on, in city after<br />

city, a rational spatial distribution vis-à-vis one<br />

another and the city’s center.<br />

The most ambitious efforts to develop a universally<br />

applicable predictive model of land-use<br />

patterning are found in early twentieth-century<br />

work such as that of Burgess (concentric patterns<br />

of urban expansion) and Hoyt (radiating linear<br />

patterns of residential growth). The quest to discover<br />

a universal pattern lasted only a decade or<br />

two. The landmark work, generally recognized as<br />

terminating the search for a single predictive<br />

model, is that of Harris and Ullman. They concluded<br />

early in the period of metropolitan expansion<br />

in the United States that no general overall<br />

pattern was discernable. Cities sprawled outward,<br />

producing “multiple nuclei” of similar land uses in<br />

different places, influenced overall by unique features<br />

of local geography. Notwithstanding, there<br />

have been some continued efforts to define broadly<br />

generalizable metropolitan patterns along the lines<br />

of structural functionalist principles. Hawley,<br />

attempting to salvage something of the predictive<br />

principle of urban ecology, argued that researchers<br />

should remain alert to convergent spatial patterns<br />

that indicate an optimizing similarity among metropolitan<br />

areas. The study of urban spatial ecology<br />

has remained a specialized presence in urban sociology,<br />

more recently exploring relationships of<br />

regional domination and specialization among <strong>cities</strong>,<br />

raising questions of whether metropolitan<br />

sprawl adheres to some overall generalizable pattern<br />

(consistent with Hawley’s recommendation),<br />

and examining whether the gentrification (a form<br />

of invasion and succession) of old residential areas<br />

can be subject to generalized modeling. Overall,<br />

spatial ecology has a diminishing profile within<br />

contemporary urban sociology.<br />

Contemporary Urban Sociology<br />

The contemporary sociology of <strong>cities</strong> remains distinct<br />

in its traditional focus but shares an interest in<br />

nearly the full range of concerns addressed within<br />

general sociology. Social inequality, majority–minority<br />

relations, economic sociology, political sociology,<br />

and criminology are among the major issue<br />

areas that figure prominently within the subdiscipline.<br />

As these topics merge with urban sociology,<br />

they bring with them their own traditions, in terms<br />

of theories and debates, which sometimes have more

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