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438 Las Vegas, Nevada<br />

spatially and temporally, and where its popular<br />

appeal lay. By their account, it is clear than in<br />

1972, Las Vegas was already embarking on an<br />

amelioration of its tawdry urban environment, and<br />

LFLV is thus not unlike Walter Benjamin’s work<br />

on the Paris arcades, capturing an era that was in<br />

danger of being replaced by a new incarnation.<br />

Sarfatti Larson reminds us that LFLV represented<br />

“a shocking comparison of private and<br />

public spaces in eighteenth-century Rome with the<br />

Las Vegas strip.” Albert Pope, author of Ladders,<br />

qualifies arguments expressed within LFLV favoring<br />

chaotic urban form by suggesting that the authors<br />

overlooked a significant contradiction: Both the<br />

Strip and Fremont Street were in fact ordered<br />

around a linear armature, and despite the messy<br />

vitality of the discrete pieces of Las Vegas’s urban<br />

form, this linearity served to unify and regulate<br />

the city’s development.<br />

Whatever reading is applied, there is no doubt<br />

that LFLV showed that as a place Las Vegas<br />

required a different mode of inquiry regarding<br />

how its urban landscape functioned compared to<br />

other twentieth-century places. A 2004 book on<br />

Design-based Planning for Communities goes as<br />

far as to suggest that Learning from Las Vegas<br />

represents “an important event in the demolition<br />

of modernist urban theory, it created room for the<br />

development of new ways of thinking about urbanism<br />

in America.” Jon Goodbun allows an even<br />

more direct influence, establishing the place rather<br />

than the book about the place as the instrument of<br />

change: “Las Vegas represents the rejection of<br />

modernism.”<br />

Paradigm or Pariah<br />

It is profoundly fascinating that Las Vegas<br />

could, as an object of study, have been responsible<br />

for prompting a wholesale shift within planning<br />

and urban design, a shift that has since given<br />

rise to Traditional Neighborhood Development<br />

(TND), Transit-Oriented Development (TOD),<br />

and other new urbanist concepts, especially given<br />

the lack of focus on public transportation in Las<br />

Vegas (the monorail system is still only partially<br />

built). Las Vegas is often held up simultaneously as<br />

a paradigm and a pariah in urban design terms.<br />

Reyner Banham registered how “so much has been<br />

written about that city as an image of fear, loathing,<br />

bad taste, depravity, cultural emptiness and all the<br />

rest that the simple truth behind it can no longer<br />

be seen . . . [namely] a true oasis.” Hal Rothman<br />

argues that Las Vegas is now in the process of<br />

switching from pariah to paradigm, in the sense that<br />

Las Vegas is no longer exceptional in the American<br />

urban landscape but wholly consistent with other<br />

places functioning as tourist destinations.<br />

The Dutch architect Rem Koolhaas, who was a<br />

student at the time LFLV came out, and was taken<br />

with its premise, instigated a second look at the<br />

city with a bunch of East Coast students, this time<br />

from Harvard University. Koolhaas claims in his<br />

book, Project on the City, that “Las Vegas is one<br />

of the few <strong>cities</strong> to become paradigmatic twice in<br />

thirty years: from a city at the point of becoming<br />

virtual in 1972, to an almost irrevocably substantial<br />

condition in 2000.”<br />

In terms of benchmarking current practice, Las<br />

Vegas thus represents a changeable and problematic<br />

irritant to urban theorists, one that was consequently<br />

either belittled or ignored. Writing in<br />

the Architectural Review in 1962, Lewis Mumford<br />

saw Las Vegas as an example of “roadtown,” and<br />

as such was an “anti-city,” constituting an “incoherent<br />

and purposeless urbanoid nonentity, which<br />

dribbles over the devastated landscape.” From the<br />

later vantage point of 1993, Alan Hess explains<br />

that “Las Vegas was largely incomprehensible to<br />

eastern architecture critics, but being ignored<br />

allowed it time to gestate as a city before it was<br />

noticed at all.” Hess claimed that “Las Vegas is<br />

not an ideal urban model, but it is well worth<br />

considering as American urbanism gropes towards<br />

a new definition and a new form,” especially<br />

given that most American <strong>cities</strong> are in a state of<br />

adolescence. At that time, the urban village concept<br />

was only just “emerging from the primal<br />

suburban soup,” where by contrast, the Las Vegas<br />

Strip, although “no older than many such<br />

suburbs, has been changing and remodelling<br />

since . . . 1941.”<br />

The case for ignoring Las Vegas did not end<br />

with the publication of LFLV, however: witness<br />

the fact that despite Fredric Jameson declaring<br />

Learning from Las Vegas to be the canonical text<br />

of postmodernism, Nan Ellin, for example, in<br />

Postmodern Urbanism, does not discuss Las<br />

Vegas once, yet her book evolves an entire narrative<br />

about the relationship between <strong>cities</strong> and

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