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906 Urban Planning<br />

values should be given priority, or how different<br />

values should be balanced against each other, is a<br />

matter that—in a democratic society at least—<br />

should be openly debated and resolved politically<br />

rather than left to professional experts. Ergo, fifth,<br />

urban planning decisions, either about general<br />

urban plans or about specific development proposals,<br />

are matters of value and political choices, not<br />

matters of technical expertise.<br />

Urban Planning in a Liberal<br />

Market Society<br />

In liberal capitalist societies, in which there is private<br />

property ownership, exchange, and development<br />

(whether by individual homeowners or<br />

large-scale property developers), the ability of<br />

government, through public sector urban planning,<br />

to achieve publicly agreed upon goals<br />

depends not just on plans for and statements of<br />

those goals by government planning authorities<br />

but also on the willingness of private property<br />

owners and developers to undertake the necessary<br />

development to realize those goals. For, in liberal<br />

capitalist societies, the economic power and<br />

resources required to undertake the development<br />

needed to realize publicly agreed upon goals lie<br />

largely in the hands of private property owners<br />

and developers, not with government planning<br />

authorities.<br />

These facts about the socioeconomic context<br />

within which state urban planning operates came<br />

to be more sharply realized in the 1970s when,<br />

alongside the unpopular urban development plans<br />

and proposals that had been realized, it also<br />

became apparent that many desirable government<br />

plans and policies often failed to be effectively realized,<br />

and not just because of deficiencies in the<br />

public resources required to make good those<br />

plans, but also because of a lack of development<br />

initiatives from private sector developers. As two<br />

American writers, Jeffrey Pressman and Aaron<br />

Wildavsky, pointed out in their seminal text<br />

Implementation, published in 1973, many public<br />

sector plans and policies failed simply because they<br />

failed to be implemented. Urban planners in the<br />

Western capitalist world were thereby reminded<br />

that the urban planning systems that had been<br />

established in most Western liberal democracies<br />

after World War II had not replaced the liberal<br />

market system of property ownership, exchange,<br />

and development (by, e.g., the nationalization of<br />

land and development companies) but had, rather,<br />

been given only the power to influence and regulate<br />

this market system through being granted the<br />

power to make urban development plans and then<br />

control development proposals through granting<br />

or refusing planning permission. To be sure, these<br />

powers are not to be underestimated. But equally,<br />

where public sector plans and policies depend for<br />

their realization on the compliance of other private<br />

sector actors and agencies, and that compliance is<br />

not forthcoming because the development required<br />

to realize the plans is not profitable to those actors,<br />

then—as Pressman and Wildavsky showed—those<br />

publicly endorsed plans and policies could go<br />

unimplemented, or be implemented in ways that<br />

disappointed the lofty aspirations contained in<br />

them.<br />

It was against this background that urban<br />

planning theorists and practitioners in the 1970s<br />

came to realize that, to achieve more effective<br />

implementation of public plans and policies,<br />

urban planners had to work cooperatively with<br />

the prevailing market system and private sector<br />

developers rather than against them. And this, in<br />

turn, required urban planners who possessed not<br />

only an understanding of private sector developers<br />

and development economics but also the<br />

interpersonal skills needed to contact, communicate,<br />

negotiate, and form cooperative partnerships<br />

with developers and other relevant actors in<br />

order to secure the best urban development<br />

“deals” for the public.<br />

All this brought yet a further perspective on the<br />

nature of urban planning, for now the effective<br />

urban planner was seen, increasingly, not only as a<br />

professional planner and policymaker, but also,<br />

and equally, as a person whose job it was to manage<br />

and negotiate the realization of plans. In other<br />

words, he or she had to be someone who could<br />

initiate and take effective action, just as much as<br />

someone who could make good plans. So, from<br />

the late 1970s onward, the activity of urban planning<br />

came increasingly to be seen as an exercise in<br />

the effective management of urban change, rather<br />

than the centralized direction of it through grand<br />

plans and policies. And hence the key skills of the<br />

urban planner came to be seen as ones of good<br />

management, communication, and negotiation, as

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