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of downtown cores is indicative of the growing<br />

social mobility of the ethnic Chinese population. In<br />

Toronto, large Chinese communities in the suburbs<br />

of Markham and Richmond Hill have paved the<br />

way for “new” Chinatowns. These are centered on<br />

large shopping malls that provide culturally specific<br />

goods and services and serve a largely Asian audience.<br />

The goods and services are not only Chinese<br />

in nature, source, or manufacture, but also include<br />

Japanese, Korean, and Thai, among others.<br />

Sites of Difference<br />

The movement of Chinese communities to the outskirts<br />

of <strong>cities</strong> indicates the changing nature of<br />

Chinatowns in general. Their internal demographics<br />

also are changing: Chinatowns are increasingly<br />

populated by other East and Southeast Asian<br />

immigrants as many of the older ethnic Chinese<br />

have moved away to wealthier sections of the city.<br />

Chinatowns are sites of difference. Ethnic enclaves<br />

represent difference in the nature of race, ethnicity,<br />

nationality, and social and migrant status. The<br />

development of Chinatown is markedly different<br />

from that of other ethnic enclaves given the nature<br />

of the communities’ initial migration and settlement.<br />

Particular to the Chinese is the male-dominated<br />

society of the early migrant force, caused by the<br />

nature of their work: railway building and mining.<br />

The great imbalance in sex ratio in the <strong>cities</strong> of<br />

particularly Canada and the United States resulted<br />

in a greatly differing social structure.<br />

The marked difference between the suburban<br />

and downtown Chinatowns is in their representation<br />

of socioeconomic difference. As downtown<br />

Chinatowns are associated with perceptions of<br />

poverty, marginalization, and the earlier ethnic<br />

community, suburban Chinatowns are disassociated<br />

from this image and usually represent communities<br />

that have achieved not only a higher<br />

economic status but also a certain level of residency<br />

and citizenship. Related to this, downtown<br />

Chinatowns are further typified as the receiving<br />

locales for new immigrants. In many North<br />

American <strong>cities</strong> now, the new immigrants to<br />

Chinatown are not only Chinese, but encompass<br />

other East and Southeast Asian nationalities in<br />

growing proportion.<br />

As racial and ethnic sites of difference within the<br />

city, Chinatowns are often delineated by a markedly<br />

different demographic in comparison with the<br />

Chinatowns<br />

133<br />

rest of their urban settings. However, the idea that<br />

only Chinese people live in Chinatown is a contrived<br />

one. Cities are intrinsically places of intense<br />

diversity, and even enclaves like Chinatowns can<br />

be no different. The movement of Chinese communities<br />

to the outskirts of <strong>cities</strong> indicates the<br />

changing nature of Chinatowns. Internal demographics<br />

are changing; Chinatowns are increasingly<br />

populated by other East and Southeast Asian<br />

immigrants as many of the older ethnic Chinese<br />

have moved away to wealthier sections of the city.<br />

Common Imagery<br />

The image of Chinatown is commonly likened to<br />

a “combat zone,” “red-light district,” or African<br />

American “ghetto”—districts of crime and social<br />

problems. Another common perception is the<br />

image of an exotic foreign enclave. Chinatowns<br />

are often imagined as places of vice, owing to the<br />

concentration of gambling dens and opium parlors<br />

in the early days. The rundown, ghetto imagery of<br />

the Chinese neighborhoods is also related to the<br />

low levels of hygiene and high incidences of illness.<br />

This was, in many cases, due to the development<br />

of the enclaves on undesirable land, usually on<br />

low-lying, flood-prone, marshy sections of the city.<br />

Further, the close conditions that many of the<br />

Chinese lived in contributed to the transmission of<br />

many sicknesses. These imaginations are reinforced<br />

by fictitious re-creations in the media, for<br />

example, in the film noir Chinatown with its psychological<br />

mystery plot, despite the fact the film is<br />

about public corruption in Los Angeles, and not<br />

about Chinatown at all.<br />

These popular imaginations are often overlooked<br />

in occurrences of Chinatowns outside of<br />

the West—in major <strong>cities</strong> like Bangkok in Thailand<br />

and Nagasaki in Japan, for example; as well as in<br />

the reality that such Chinatowns are often simply<br />

places of businesses dominated by the Chinese.<br />

Further examples include Vancouver’s Chinatown,<br />

managed by a Business Improvement Association,<br />

and the Singapore Tourism Board, which oversees<br />

the development of Chinatown with the Chinatown<br />

Business Association. The contrast between the<br />

oft-imagined seedy underworld and the actuality<br />

of business- and tourism-oriented Chinatowns is<br />

due largely to the lingering effects of the sensationalized<br />

journalistic reporting that burgeoned in the<br />

late nineteenth century.

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