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classic study Architectural Practice: A Critical<br />

View is informed by the notion that architecture’s<br />

unique “natural market” is for those landmark,<br />

monumental buildings that claim to reflect major<br />

civilizational values. Gutman claims that the struggle<br />

for such commissions—always limited in number<br />

and so creating competition between architects<br />

and a subsequent hierarchy of professionals—<br />

exists in the context of architects’ attempts to<br />

retain distinction from other related design professionals,<br />

which is crucial to architecture’s continued<br />

monopoly over this sphere of activity. Indeed, the<br />

question of architects’ self-definition is significant<br />

here, with the emergence of the profession bound<br />

up with the capacity of renaissance architects to<br />

frame their work as a design practice separate<br />

from that of construction; the role of drawing is a<br />

significant part of this story, as it allows a form<br />

other than the finished building that can be understood<br />

as the intellectual property of architects.<br />

(Ongoing conceptions of the “architect as artist”<br />

must be understood against this backdrop.)<br />

A related concern of studies on architecture has<br />

been to draw attention to the functions of social<br />

reproduction and social closure performed by the<br />

architectural field, understood in reference to<br />

both those internal struggles for symbolic capital<br />

(between architects and firms) and the desire for<br />

distinction (from other designers) that characterizes<br />

the architectural field, the very definition of<br />

which is a fundamental site of these conflicts. The<br />

partial, unrepresentative nature of the architectural<br />

profession in terms of class, gender, and ethnicity<br />

has also been a significant focus of social<br />

science attention and provides the context for ethnographic<br />

studies into the culture of architectural<br />

practice, which has made valuable contributions to<br />

the understanding of architects’ socialization into<br />

particular offices and into the profession more<br />

generally, including their positioning of themselves<br />

relative to their colleagues and the profession’s<br />

hierarchy more generally.<br />

The Social Production of Architecture:<br />

Power and Form<br />

Major architectural projects in <strong>cities</strong> the world<br />

over are testament to the widespread desire of<br />

socially dominant individuals and organizations<br />

to materialize their power in urban space. While<br />

Architecture<br />

37<br />

the exact nature of architects’ relationship with<br />

the politically and economically powerful varies as<br />

markedly across time and space as does the actual<br />

form that architecture takes, the durable nature of<br />

the relationship frames much critical inquiry on<br />

architecture. Revealing what Kim Dovey has<br />

called a “silent complicity” of architecture with<br />

dominant social groups has been a major preoccupation<br />

of urbanists, who largely have sought to<br />

challenge the aforementioned illusion of architecture<br />

as an autonomous, artistic practice concerned<br />

solely with form-making and disconnected from<br />

politics and the capitalist process. From this perspective<br />

architecture should not be considered as a<br />

neutral or free-floating cultural form but rather as<br />

a social practice that expresses the close relationship<br />

between architects and the agendas of the<br />

politically and economically powerful. From this<br />

perspective such “compli<strong>cities</strong>” are reflected<br />

clearly in urban space, with architecture always<br />

and everywhere an inherently political—and thus<br />

contested—practice.<br />

The eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, a period<br />

in which architects and their architecture were<br />

incorporated into state projects, illustrate something<br />

of the ways in which the built environment is<br />

positioned relative to political discourse. Architecture<br />

was one space in which emerging nation-states<br />

and the architects they commissioned sought to<br />

communicate a wide range of values and principles<br />

to mass publics. Major architectural projects were<br />

often commissioned explicitly to reflect the values<br />

and achievements of emerging states, which used<br />

cultural artifacts and space to emphasize their distinction<br />

from other nation-states and to develop a<br />

cultural association with some preceding national<br />

regimes. This context saw the emergence of national<br />

styles of architecture as an important part of a<br />

wider repertoire of cultural forms— including flags,<br />

currency, anthems, art, and national dress—which<br />

was developed and mobilized with the explicit aim<br />

of “inventing” national cultural traditions. In many<br />

national contexts there existed explicit architectural<br />

and political debates concerning the discovery of a<br />

“suitable” style for landmark public buildings.<br />

Architectural styles associated with previous<br />

regimes—such as Roman, Gothic, and Greek<br />

designs—had taken on stylized qualities and crucially<br />

had come to be read as cultural codes loaded<br />

with meaning, representing values that emerging

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