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crime control thesis advanced by Wilson and Kelling,<br />

which claimed that signs of physical decay would<br />

lead to neighborhood decline. As a variety of scholars<br />

have emphasized, such a reading of graffiti was<br />

not uncontested and has been privileged over other<br />

possible readings in the service of quite particular<br />

political and economic interests. And, just like graffiti<br />

itself, this particular reading of graffiti as antisocial<br />

has spread from its epicenter in New York City<br />

to other <strong>cities</strong> where graffiti scenes have emerged.<br />

Prevention Approaches<br />

With the spread of this discourse of graffiti as a<br />

quality of life offense, a variety of measures<br />

Examples of urban graffiti<br />

Source: Erin Monacelli.<br />

Graffiti<br />

327<br />

designed to prevent and eradicate graffiti have been<br />

developed and deployed in <strong>cities</strong> where the existence<br />

of graffiti is defined as a problem for urban<br />

policy. Antigraffiti measures include: new forms of<br />

urban fortification intended to deny graffiti writers<br />

access to strategic spaces; new forms of urban<br />

design and graffiti-proof materials designed to<br />

deny opportunities for graffiti; electronic surveillance<br />

to deter and catch writers; the formation of<br />

specialist graffiti squads by policing agencies;<br />

increased penalties for graffiti writing, including<br />

custodial sentence for repeat offenders in many<br />

jurisdictions; bans on the sale of aerosol paints to<br />

minors, and restrictions on the display of aerosol<br />

paints in shops; rapid removal of graffiti to deter

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