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228 Divided Cities<br />

Thus, as Fraser argues, such spaces that might<br />

seem exclusive at first glance are actually contributing<br />

to, and broadening, wider democratic<br />

discourse.<br />

Cities that are internally divided, however,<br />

reveal a much higher degree of separation than<br />

spaces of fragmented <strong>cities</strong>. For example, <strong>cities</strong><br />

that contain ghettos or barrios constitute divided<br />

<strong>cities</strong>. Loïc Wacquant had done extensive research<br />

on ghettos and had arrived at a specific definition<br />

of the term for the purposes of social scientific<br />

investigation and for the purposes of distinguishing<br />

ghettos from enclaves, disadvantaged neighborhoods,<br />

or alternate spaces. In his view, ghettoes<br />

exhibit four characteristics: stigma, constraint,<br />

spatial confinement, and institutional encasement.<br />

The ghetto is a place in which the greater society<br />

singles out a particular segment of the population<br />

and sections them off, either through force or<br />

through systematic institutional exclusion. The<br />

result, according to Wacquant, is the growth of<br />

an extreme form of parallel institutionalism.<br />

Accor ding to Wacquant, this urban form existed in<br />

Europe as Jewish ghettoes. Throughout the last<br />

millennium—fifteenth-century Rome, fifteenth-<br />

and sixteenth-century Venice, seventeenth-century<br />

Vienna and Prague, nineteenth-century Frankfurt,<br />

to name a few—many <strong>cities</strong> across Europe contained<br />

Jewish ghettoes as regions where persons of<br />

Jewish faith were permitted to reside and work. In<br />

the twentieth century, myriad Jewish ghettos were<br />

established under the rule of Adolf Hitler, the most<br />

famous and largest being the Warsaw Ghetto. In<br />

the United States, Wacquant focused much attention<br />

on Chicago and the ghetto of Woodlawn,<br />

whose residents (1) lacked basic public services<br />

such as adequate schooling, health care, transit<br />

services, advocacy, and security—even the police<br />

stayed away; (2) endured a high degree of stigma<br />

and suffered substandard living conditions and life<br />

expectancies; (3) were dominated by a booming<br />

underground economy in weapons and narcotics<br />

trafficking; and (4) identified the world outside the<br />

neighborhood as inaccessible and foreign. Chicago<br />

is therefore a divided city because life inside and<br />

life outside of the ghetto represent two separate<br />

and independent urban systems. Similarly, it has<br />

been argued that American barrios, such as East<br />

Los Angeles, exhibit, although not as severely,<br />

structural and systemic segregation similar to<br />

African American ghettoes. High rates of unemployment<br />

and poverty and low investment in infrastructure<br />

and services lead to patterns of social and<br />

spatial segregation that resemble urban enclaves at<br />

best and ghettoes at worst.<br />

Perhaps the ghetto’s opposite are urban gated<br />

communities that have been emerging throughout<br />

South America over the past 30 years as a result of<br />

socioeconomic changes around the region. Effectively,<br />

these become urban spaces for the rich, whose<br />

lifestyle expectations concerning comfort and security<br />

needed to be met. They are known as “gated<br />

communities” (barrios cerrados), “private urbanizations”<br />

(urbanizaciones privadas), or “gated<br />

condominiums” (condomínios fechados), and are<br />

found in Santiago de Chile, Buenos Aires, Mexico<br />

City, São Paulo, and Rio de Janeiro. The AlphaVille<br />

community of São Paulo is the oldest such development.<br />

It is home to 30,000 residents, it has an<br />

infrastructure that employs 150,000 workers, and<br />

it boasts its own private university and health care<br />

system. Utilities are provided without public assistance<br />

by the AlphaVille Urbanismo corporation.<br />

The community is outfitted with 24-hour surveillance<br />

by armed security personnel, and this is<br />

claimed to protect residents from the urban ills of<br />

São Paulo and its high homicide rates. The cost of<br />

living in AlphaVille is beyond the reach of the<br />

average Brazilian family. Thus, these communities<br />

may be seen as deepening and reinforcing the<br />

socioeconomic divides among the respective urban<br />

populations.<br />

Segregation of elites is by no means a new phenomenon.<br />

The middle-class flight to the suburbs in<br />

North American <strong>cities</strong> is a twentieth-century example<br />

of this and is said to have exacerbated ghetto<br />

formation inside <strong>cities</strong>. In earlier times, religion<br />

often played a key role in separating the wealthy,<br />

educated, and powerful from what was viewed as<br />

the profanity of daily urban life. Monasteries,<br />

abbey complexes, and cloistered communities in<br />

the Middle Ages were home to servants of the<br />

Christian faith as custodians and guardians of the<br />

church’s social, political, and economic capital. In<br />

China, the Forbidden City (Zijin Cheng), built to<br />

house the emperor—the earthly counterpart of the<br />

celestial emperor—was also a place that segregated<br />

the wealthy and the powerful from their subjects.<br />

Its construction occupied over a million workers,<br />

and upon completion during the Ming Dynasty, its

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