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awareness that it is happening and a tendency by<br />

some to regard it in a more relaxed manner.<br />

In some of the recent research the development of<br />

sprawl is traced in different periods throughout history<br />

and especially in the twentieth century. From the<br />

early days of sprawl through the postwar boom years<br />

to the sprawl condition of today, we have been witnessing<br />

often controversial causes of sprawl, different<br />

antisprawl campaigns initiated, and different remedies<br />

brought into play to counteract the development.<br />

It is convincingly argued and explained why<br />

most of these campaigns and remedies do not work.<br />

A useful tool for visualizing the effects of sprawl<br />

on the urban development is the density gradient.<br />

Residential or employment density of an urban area<br />

is recorded along the vertical axis as population per<br />

square mile or kilometer, while distance from the<br />

city center in miles or kilometers is marked on the<br />

horizontal axis. If we take for instance London<br />

1801 as a starting point, we get a very steep graph<br />

falling from the left to the right indicating a rather<br />

dense city center, quickly transforming to a distinct<br />

periphery only a few miles away from the center.<br />

Over the years London, as well as most other <strong>cities</strong>,<br />

has lost population in the center and has grown<br />

enormously in the periphery, producing a much flatter<br />

graph. This density gradient tends to become<br />

flatter for all urban areas, unless, of course, we are<br />

dealing with urban territories with a natural boundary<br />

(e.g., Hong Kong). Even Los Angeles is denser<br />

than New York if the urban territory is taken as a<br />

whole. Paris is like London: At least three-fourths of<br />

the population of the 10 million that live in the<br />

urban territory of Paris in the region Île-de-France,<br />

live outside the beltway (le périphérique). A job<br />

count confirms the tendency. During the 1990s the<br />

city of Paris lost 200,000 jobs, whereas the outer<br />

suburban area gained 160,000 jobs. By the end of<br />

the twentieth century it was obvious that a generalized<br />

urban sprawl had rendered the old distinctions<br />

between urban and rural obsolete in many areas of<br />

the world and created a diffuse mode of life founded<br />

on mobility and the single-family house.<br />

It is pointed out that the density gradient tends to<br />

become flatter the more affluent the society becomes.<br />

The tendency to seek residence in the open countryside<br />

has always been the case as affluence rises in<br />

any given society. Where citizens become more<br />

affluent and enjoy basic economic and political<br />

rights, more people have access to the advantages<br />

that earlier were reserved for wealthier citizens.<br />

Sprawl<br />

767<br />

The new thing about the actual situation in the<br />

urban territories is that privacy (the ability to control<br />

one’s own surroundings), mobility (meaning<br />

both personal and social mobility), and choice<br />

(understood as the multichoice lifestyle, available<br />

to even the most humble middle-class family) has<br />

now turned into a mass phenomenon. This is made<br />

possible by individual ownership of cars and the<br />

increasing buildup of infrastructure, making mobility<br />

one of the most important aspects in the urban<br />

territory of today and making landscape an inseparable<br />

part of the urban territory.<br />

Landscape and the Built Environment<br />

In the 1970s and 1980s, when the reconstruction of<br />

the city was the main focus, there was a tendency<br />

to define the European city as something dense and<br />

fundamentally different from, for instance, the<br />

American city, which was regarded as something<br />

much more dispersed.<br />

A closer look at the European urban reality<br />

today, based as it is on network <strong>cities</strong> and mobility,<br />

indicates a kind of abolition of some of the<br />

more fundamental dichotomies that used to form<br />

the basis of the traditional urban concept: first and<br />

foremost the dichotomy between city and landscape<br />

but also the ones between center and periphery,<br />

public and private, and so on. Traditionally<br />

the development of urban issues related only to<br />

one side of these dichotomies, but something seems<br />

to indicate that the opposition between them is no<br />

longer valid. What if central urban issues are now<br />

equally present on both sides? And what if this,<br />

more than anything else, is the specific character of<br />

the urban condition?<br />

According to recent research, dispersion has<br />

been a persistent feature in <strong>cities</strong> since the beginning<br />

of urban history. As <strong>cities</strong> have become more<br />

economically mature and prosperous, they have<br />

tended to spread outward at decreasing densities.<br />

The only new thing about this in the twentieth century<br />

is that it is becoming more visible as it appears<br />

as a mass phenomenon—all <strong>cities</strong> are now exploding.<br />

This decrease in density in affluent <strong>cities</strong> is<br />

perhaps the single most important fact about recent<br />

urban development. This is the case everywhere.<br />

Sprawl can be seen outside all of the big Asian,<br />

Latin American, and African <strong>cities</strong>. In practically<br />

all metropolitan areas in the world, the periphery<br />

share of the population in the urban territory has

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