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36 Architecture<br />

Geist, Johann Friedrich. 1983. Arcades: The History of a<br />

Building Type. Cambridge: MIT Press.<br />

Hemyng, Bracebridge. 1967. “The Prostitution Class<br />

Generally.” In London Labour and the London Poor,<br />

London Morning Chronicle 1861–2, Vol. 4, edited by<br />

H. Mayhew and B. Hemyng. London: Frank Cass.<br />

MacKeith, Margaret. 1985. Shopping Arcades: A<br />

Gazetteer of British Arcades 1817–1939. London:<br />

Mansell.<br />

Shepperd, F. H. W., ed. 1963. “The Parish of St. James’s<br />

Westminster, Part 2, North of Piccadilly.” The Survey<br />

of London. Vol. 32. London: Athlone Press.<br />

Smeeton, George. 1828. Doings in London; or Day and<br />

Night Scenes of the Frauds, Frolics, Manners and<br />

Depravities of the Metropolis. London: Smeeton.<br />

Tallis, John. 1851. Tallis’s Illustrated London: In<br />

Commemoration of the Great Exhibition. London:<br />

J. Tallis.<br />

Ware, Samuel. “A Proposal to Build Burlington Arcade”<br />

(16 March 1808) and “Schematic Plans for the<br />

Burlington Arcade and Burlington House” (1815,<br />

1817 and 1818). Collection of Lord Christian, Royal<br />

Academy of Arts Drawing Collection, London.<br />

Ar c H i t e c t u r e<br />

Architecture refers both to those parts of the built<br />

environment that are designed by architects and<br />

the collective designation of the profession. This<br />

basic definition is complicated by a number of factors,<br />

not least of which is the fact that the types of<br />

buildings that can “properly” be considered architecture<br />

is of significant controversy and struggle,<br />

as is the right of designers to be recognized as<br />

architects. These significant questions are assessed<br />

in this entry against the backdrop of architecture’s<br />

complex and contingent social production. Indeed,<br />

it is architecture’s social foundation—rather than<br />

its existence either an object or as a formal practice—that<br />

leads social scientists to seek to reveal<br />

the many “external” social constraints that<br />

impinge on architectural production. Arguably<br />

urban studies scholars are uniquely well placed in<br />

this regard, as the frameworks that underpin<br />

urban studies research encourage those scholars to<br />

situate architecture relative to the broader urban<br />

process and to recognize the contested nature of<br />

the political economies of <strong>cities</strong>, of which architecture<br />

is an important component.<br />

The Study of Architecture as Practice<br />

One of the distinctive elements of architecture as a profession<br />

is the reliance on clients for the resources—<br />

including land and other capital—necessary for its<br />

practice. At one level this client dependency can be<br />

explained by the inherently expensive endeavor of<br />

the design and realization of buildings, but this<br />

connection must also be understood in light of the<br />

desire of the powerful to materialize their status in<br />

urban space. Studies of the architectural profession<br />

have frequently sought to develop this theme<br />

through revealing the extent to which architects’<br />

reliance on commissions from dominant political<br />

and economic actors conditions—and is subsequently<br />

legitimated through—their practice. This<br />

has been a particularly major concern in the urban<br />

studies tradition, where research on the political<br />

economy of architectural practice is among the<br />

most successful of social science contributions on<br />

the subject, not least because such studies can be<br />

situated in established “sociology of the professions”<br />

frameworks. By and large such research<br />

suggests that, in spite of the aforementioned<br />

dependence on capitalists and states for commissions<br />

and other resources, architects frequently<br />

reveal a highly ambiguous relationship with such<br />

social forces. In interviews and discussions of their<br />

practice, architects tend toward emphasis of their<br />

role in the production of socially meaningful buildings<br />

that connect to place, identities, and broader<br />

social values at the expense of a foregrounding of<br />

the interconnections between architecture and the<br />

states and capitalist enterprises that commission it.<br />

Commenting on this tension, the architectural<br />

theorist Diane Ghirardo suggests that positioning<br />

architecture within an aesthetic frame serves to<br />

divert attention away from the politics of architecture,<br />

including its symbiotic relationship with economic<br />

and political elites and their projects.<br />

Research that situates architectural practice<br />

within particular urban contexts, political regimes,<br />

and capitalist models problematizes architecture’s<br />

claims to autonomy from these processes; the profession’s<br />

position somewhere between an art, primarily<br />

concerned with aesthetics and the creation<br />

of socially meaningful forms and spaces, and as a<br />

primarily functional response to material issues,<br />

such as shelter, is an important consideration in<br />

this regard. American sociologist Robert Gutman’s

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