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Ur b a n po l i t i c s<br />

The study of urban politics brings together several<br />

disciplines to understand the governance and<br />

political development of urban areas. Although<br />

U.S. and European scholars have often drawn<br />

upon different perspectives and intellectual traditions,<br />

in recent years they have converged in<br />

response to an interest in the comparative study of<br />

urban politics.<br />

Theoretical Approaches<br />

Until the 1950s most scholarship on U.S. city politics<br />

was dominated by institutional analysis. This<br />

approach focused on formal administrative organization<br />

and the charters and laws pertaining<br />

to local governance. This perspective paralleled<br />

the teachings of the early-twentieth-century urban<br />

reform movement in the United States. The latter<br />

viewed city governance as primarily an administrative<br />

activity rather than a political matter. Although<br />

some political scientists took exception to this<br />

approach, most scholars assumed there was a<br />

broad consensus on political fundamentals in running<br />

<strong>cities</strong> and local governments. This conclusion<br />

led them to study ways of making government<br />

more efficient.<br />

The behavioral movement in political science<br />

reoriented the study of urban politics during the<br />

1950s and 1960s. This movement emphasized<br />

looking at groups and other informal influences on<br />

local government rather than legal institutions. Its<br />

key assumption was that politics and administration<br />

could never be separated and that the proper<br />

focus of investigation was power and political conflict.<br />

This led to community power studies in<br />

which investigators searched for methods and<br />

theories that could best explain who governed<br />

urban areas and how power was distributed. Elite<br />

theorists, such as Floyd Hunter, relied on social<br />

surveys and sociological models to study how<br />

power was concentrated despite the presence of<br />

formal democratic institutions. Robert A. Dahl<br />

and other pluralist theorists disputed this approach.<br />

Focusing on decision making as evidence, they contended<br />

that power was more decentralized than<br />

elitists claimed. Further, they argued that democratic<br />

institutions ensured sufficient organized<br />

Urban Politics<br />

911<br />

political competition to keep public officials<br />

accountable to the citizenry most of the time. Still<br />

other critics asserted that neither elite nor pluralist<br />

theories took into account “nondecision” activities<br />

whereby anticipated political pressures, cultural<br />

norms, ideologies, and other means that are not<br />

part of the overt decision-making process could<br />

restrict the political agendas that came up for<br />

debate.<br />

Although the debate over community power<br />

was never resolved, it demonstrated that many<br />

kinds of social and political influences needed to<br />

be understood in order to adequately explain<br />

urban politics. Since the community power controversy,<br />

scholars have been intent on describing<br />

these diverse forces in a parsimonious way<br />

in order to shed insight on the nature of local<br />

politics. Critical of earlier researchers for their<br />

focus on only internal political influences in local<br />

politics, contemporary analysts seek to develop<br />

theories that treat the entire political economy of<br />

local government.<br />

The Contemporary Debate<br />

Paul Peterson, with his landmark study of 1981,<br />

City Limits, precipitated the political economy<br />

view. Peterson argued that <strong>cities</strong> must, at all<br />

costs, avoid redistributive services, provide basic<br />

services at an adequate level, and place the greatest<br />

possible emphasis upon policies that stimulate<br />

economic growth. Even the social health of a city,<br />

he claimed, depends on its economic prosperity:<br />

When the economy is growing, tax revenues<br />

increase, city services can be improved, donations<br />

to charitable organization become more generous,<br />

and the social and cultural life of the city is<br />

enhanced.<br />

In Peterson’s view, local civic leaders cannot<br />

leave economic growth to chance. Unlike the<br />

national government, <strong>cities</strong> lack the authority to<br />

regulate immigration, currency, and the importation<br />

or exportation of goods and services. Cities<br />

occupy a specific space; if the local business environment<br />

is not pleasing to them, investors and<br />

businesses can go elsewhere. This drives <strong>cities</strong> to<br />

compete with each other to minimize taxes, avoid<br />

expensive regulations, and offer a variety of subsidies<br />

to businesses. Put simply, Peterson’s argument<br />

is that issues of growth and development are

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