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contribution was particularly significant at this<br />

time because the tradition of design at the large<br />

scale was very much under attack and discredited<br />

by the social scientists engaged in studies of contemporary<br />

urban problems and the attendant<br />

planning and policy response. Social scientists saw<br />

the deterministic approach of designers as megalomaniacal<br />

and what they had to offer as not particularly<br />

relevant for addressing the fundamental<br />

issues of social welfare and collective well-being.<br />

At best, the design concerns were relegated to a<br />

lower priority.<br />

Lynch’s approach to city design began with a<br />

conversation with community clients about how<br />

they organize and represent their experiences of<br />

the everyday built environment. In this approach,<br />

the design response was to be informed by the<br />

perceptions, values, and expectations of the public,<br />

not professional predilections. It was an argument<br />

that design matters in a fundamental way<br />

and not just as a window dressing. Furthermore,<br />

this was essentially a bottom-up approach, not the<br />

top-down authoritarian design of the earlier tradition<br />

of grand design and visionary aesthetics. In<br />

Lynch’s approach, the role of the designer is to<br />

help people achieve their desired environment,<br />

one that fulfills their immediate needs and offers<br />

flexibility for change and adaptation. His scenario<br />

of city design would involve participation from<br />

the users of the environment in the design and<br />

future control of their urban space. In this view,<br />

the designer serves as a facilitator and technical<br />

expert, perhaps requiring a few minimal master<br />

strokes here and there, as Lynch’s own practice<br />

and projects often reflected.<br />

While championing this new approach, Lynch<br />

also advanced many normative positions in his<br />

writings. He was particularly interested in exploring<br />

future scenarios for change—possible utopias<br />

and dystopias (which he called cacotopias) of<br />

human society.<br />

Thus, a career that began with a passion to<br />

understand the visual and perceived form of the<br />

city evolved into a distinct philosophy of city<br />

design. Lynch’s earlier and renowned work, The<br />

Image of the City, helped restore the place of city<br />

design in public policy, and his subsequent research,<br />

writings, practice, and teaching reflected a new<br />

approach to design that emphasized human purposes<br />

and consequences of the built environment,<br />

Lynch, Kevin<br />

477<br />

as well as possibilities of city design that engaged<br />

the public in the process.<br />

The philosophical formulations of this approach<br />

culminated in A Theory of Good City Form. The<br />

theory was profoundly normative and explored<br />

the questions of what constitutes good city form<br />

and what might be its performance characteristics.<br />

Lynch searched for answers to these questions in<br />

the historical models of ideal city, examined them<br />

analytically and empirically in contemporary<br />

research, and explored them in speculative scenarios.<br />

Many of these writings were published in<br />

journal articles or book chapters. In A Theory of<br />

Good City Form, Lynch argued that a normative<br />

theory is necessary to identify the performance<br />

characteristics of good city form. He proposed<br />

five basic dimensions of performance—vitality,<br />

sense, fit, access, and control—and two meta-dimensions<br />

described as efficiency and justice. The<br />

first dimension, vitality, is the requirement of the<br />

form to sustain life, health, and biological functions<br />

of the inhabitants. Sense has to do with the<br />

perception and cognition of the environment and<br />

includes much of the imageability requirements he<br />

advanced earlier. The dimension of fit refers to the<br />

degree of congruence between the environmental<br />

form and the customary, desired, or expected<br />

behaviors of the users of the environment. Access<br />

is the dimension that defines availability of amenities,<br />

conveniences, and opportunities within the<br />

environmental form and the aggregate efficiency<br />

and equity in the distribution of such resources.<br />

The dimension of control refers to matters of<br />

rights, responsibilities, and ownership of common<br />

space, as well as the ability of the inhabitants to<br />

change and transform such spaces. Finally, the<br />

two meta-dimensions of efficiency and justice,<br />

according to Lynch, refer to the balancing act<br />

between minimizing cost while maximizing distributive<br />

justice and equity in the organization of<br />

resources in space.<br />

One could reinterpret these criteria today in<br />

the form of a synthesis of John Rawls’s 1971<br />

original theory of justice and Amartya Sen’s<br />

1999 treatise on human capability as the basis<br />

for development as freedom. While Lynch was<br />

aware of and cited Rawls’s work, it was not possible<br />

for him to anticipate Sen’s work, much of<br />

which postdated his book. It is fair to assume<br />

that his emphasis on the justness of the city form

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