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640 Red-Light District<br />

characterized by population decline, suggesting that<br />

there was generally a correlation of high land values<br />

and low rents in areas that were in a “direct line of<br />

business expansion” and therefore allowed to deteriorate—that<br />

is to say, in zones of acquisition rather<br />

than zones of discard. However, he noted that some<br />

activities were migrating away from city centers and<br />

accessible only by car or taxi. In 1994, the New<br />

York City Department of City Planning similarly<br />

argued, “Adult entertainment businesses tend to be<br />

transitional, and locate in areas that are ‘moving<br />

upwards’; they are rarely found in poorer neighborhoods.”<br />

It was even suggested that “some major<br />

real estate developments owe their existence to the<br />

ability of landlords to warehouse property by renting<br />

space to adult businesses that are willing to<br />

accept high rents and short leases during the period<br />

when a major assemblage is underway” (p. 26).<br />

Although the initial concentration may be accidental,<br />

successful activities may attract similar<br />

ones, leading to clustering like that described by<br />

Hotelling’s Law. Retailing depends on information:<br />

Customers and clients need to know what is on<br />

offer and where. This is particularly true of redlight<br />

districts. In contrast to most forms of retailing,<br />

adult entertainment has been characterized by<br />

an information deficit. Until recently, merchants<br />

could not (or would not) publicize their wares or<br />

location. They had to locate where customers were,<br />

rather than waiting to be found. Most customers<br />

went to places where they knew shops or prostitutes<br />

were located, forcing adult services to locate<br />

in places that customers patronized. These clusters<br />

attracted like services. They often repelled nonconforming<br />

businesses by creating a moral atmosphere<br />

that discouraged other kinds of retailing and entertainment<br />

and by driving up rents for stores. In such<br />

districts, competition for customers is fierce, and<br />

turnover among shops is often high. In New York<br />

City, in the early 1990s, the Department of City<br />

Planning found that about 15 percent of all outlets<br />

in the city disappeared within six months. High<br />

turnover is another reason for clustering: Although<br />

individual stores may disappear, the district’s overall<br />

orientation remains the same.<br />

Contemporary Issues<br />

Planners, local governments, and property developers<br />

have argued that a reputation as a red-light<br />

district causes blight: people fear crime, contamination,<br />

stigmatization from being associated with<br />

adult entertainment by proximity, lower property<br />

values, and lack of custom. However, red-light districts<br />

can bring benefits. They are often located in<br />

neighborhoods that might be described as incubation<br />

districts: relatively central but underdeveloped,<br />

with small manufacturing and retailing spaces that<br />

also include adult entertainment outlets and shops<br />

selling sexually oriented products, such as videos,<br />

magazines, clothing, and accessories. Such districts<br />

can attract a mix of business start-ups. Many will<br />

fail, but some may succeed. More recently, Richard<br />

Florida and others have suggested that such neighborhoods<br />

are both a product of and foster diversity,<br />

which leads to innovation and growth. The<br />

implication is that the different moral setting in the<br />

district can itself stimulate innovation and that<br />

moral districts can be assets as well as liabilities.<br />

Since 1945, there has been a global expansion<br />

of adult entertainment. Although partly due to<br />

changing values, reflected in declining censorship<br />

of films and publications, it was also due to<br />

increasing living standards; lower publishing costs,<br />

particularly for color printing; and the rise of videos.<br />

These substantially transformed the industry.<br />

The rise of the cinema caused the decline of live<br />

theaters, and television fostered the decline of cinemas.<br />

In 1930, 65 percent of the U.S. population<br />

went to the movies at least once a week. By 1966,<br />

the figure was 10 percent. Unable to attract viewers<br />

to traditional films, many theater owners<br />

turned to adult films, particularly in relatively tolerant<br />

<strong>cities</strong> like New York. In the 1960s, relaxed<br />

censorship caused an explosion of publications<br />

and the opening of new clubs and bars featuring<br />

sex, but the rise of the adult video further altered<br />

the adult entertainment industry. The New York<br />

City Department of City Planning found that in<br />

1984, New York had no adult video shops, but by<br />

1993, it had 64. Bookstores and peepshows<br />

declined from 29 to 22, and cinemas and live theaters<br />

fell from 23 to 11, a phenomenon replicated<br />

in other <strong>cities</strong>. By contrast, topless bars and nude<br />

bars increased from 23 in 1976 to 54 in 1984, and<br />

to 68 by 2000, in line with nationwide trends.<br />

Overall, in New York City, the total number of<br />

adult entertainment outlets increased from 131 in<br />

1984 to 177 in 1993—the increase being among<br />

video stores and topless entertainment.

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