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14 Alinsky, Saul<br />

change and became more interested in actually<br />

creating change.<br />

Consequently, in the late 1930s when he was<br />

supposed to be studying juvenile delinquency in<br />

Chicago’s notorious Back of the Yards neighborhood,<br />

he found himself fascinated by the struggle<br />

of the stockyards workers there to form a union.<br />

Socializing with union organizers and learning<br />

their craft, he imagined using a similar vehicle to<br />

help neighborhoods gain political power. He then<br />

set out to organize the Back of the Yards<br />

Neighborhood Council, which would go on to win<br />

important improvements in city services for the<br />

neighborhood and contribute to the success of the<br />

stockyards workers’ unionization struggle.<br />

Alinsky’s career took off from there as he traveled<br />

the country building neighborhood-based<br />

community organizing groups. He also wrote<br />

about his efforts, producing two important books<br />

on how to do community organizing: Reveille for<br />

Radicals (1969) and Rules for Radicals (1971).<br />

Yet, he was hardly a radical in the normal sense.<br />

Alinsky was firmly rooted in the U.S. tradition of<br />

democracy and believed that poor people could<br />

have as much influence over policy as anyone else<br />

as long as they organized effectively. He did have<br />

a reputation for promoting confrontation and<br />

conflict. His reputation once led to his immediate<br />

arrest in 1940 when he arrived in Kansas City.<br />

After numerous conversations, though, the police<br />

chief agreed to provide security for a major event<br />

organized by the Alinsky-style group there.<br />

Although he was personally confrontational, few<br />

of the community organizing efforts he spawned<br />

engaged in disruptive protest. He did, though, use<br />

an approach based on the power of numbers that<br />

posed the threat of disruption. Perhaps the most<br />

famous example of the use of such a threat was in<br />

1964 when The Woodlawn Organization (TWO),<br />

one of the Alinsky-organized groups in Chicago,<br />

threatened to occupy all the toilets at O’Hare<br />

airport, the first ever “shit-in.” In response to the<br />

threat, Chicago’s Mayor Richard J. Daley quickly<br />

called a meeting with TWO to reaffirm commitments<br />

on which he had previously reneged.<br />

Alinsky had a rigidly anti-ideological approach<br />

to community organization. One of its weaknesses<br />

is that some of the organizations he built later<br />

turned undemocratic. In fact, when he died unexpectedly<br />

in 1972, on Alinsky’s agenda was returning<br />

to the Back of the Yards neighborhood to start a<br />

new organization to overthrow the Back of the<br />

Yards Neighborhood Council, which had become<br />

racist and segregationist.<br />

The Alinsky model of community organizing<br />

was unique. The secret to the strategy was building<br />

a neighborhood organization not one person at a<br />

time but with groups of people. He called his<br />

model an organization of organizations. When he<br />

went into a neighborhood, he looked for the<br />

churches, civic groups, garden clubs, veterans<br />

organizations, and every other entity through<br />

which people were already organized. Then he<br />

brought those organizations together, dramatically<br />

increasing the efficiency of the organizing effort.<br />

The organization occupied a very important<br />

place in Alinsky’s model. You did not organize<br />

people just to win on an issue or two and then<br />

disband. You organized in order to build an organization<br />

that could sustain itself and provide institutionalized<br />

power well into the future. The<br />

organization was the vehicle that allowed poor<br />

people to occupy a place in the political system.<br />

The only way to build an organization of potentially<br />

ideologically diverse organizations was for<br />

the organizer to maintain a carefully honed, nonideological<br />

stance. This produced one of the other<br />

hallmarks of the Alinsky model—“cutting” an<br />

issue. He did not go into neighborhoods with an<br />

issue already selected. Instead, he listened to what<br />

issues people cared about and then tried to organize<br />

around them. This did not stop him from stirring<br />

up people around an issue, but he was always<br />

careful to find an issue that excited them. Finding<br />

just the right issue that a group cared about, would<br />

work for, and could win was one of the geniuses<br />

of the approach. And, although Alinsky organizations<br />

had a reputation for being confrontational<br />

and conflict oriented, the goal was always for the<br />

organization to obtain a win or cut a deal with<br />

power holders. Alinsky-style organizations had a<br />

reputation to protect, so they avoided action that<br />

could be perceived as irresponsible or violent.<br />

Perhaps the most important hallmark of the<br />

Alinsky-style organization was the development of<br />

the specialized role of community organizer. The<br />

organizer is not a leader in the Alinsky model;<br />

instead, the organizer’s job is to identify potential<br />

leaders and build their skills, helping them identify<br />

issues and organize around them. A truly effective<br />

community organizer should be able to enter a<br />

community, build leadership and structure an

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