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932 Urban Studies<br />

they set up the Urban History Association. A few<br />

years later, the Urban History Association met<br />

separately for the first time from the parent organization,<br />

a move that has yet to occur in anthropology,<br />

sociology, or political science.<br />

Urban journals within the traditional social science<br />

disciplines began to appear in the 1960s. The<br />

first was the Urban Affairs Quarterly (later<br />

renamed Urban Affairs Review), published in<br />

1965. It was followed by Urban Anthropology in<br />

1972 (a journal whose title was subsequently<br />

changed in 1985 to Urban Anthropology &<br />

Studies of Cultural Systems & World Economic<br />

Development), the Journal of Urban Economics in<br />

1974, the Journal of Urban History in 1975, and<br />

Urban Geography in 1980. Within sociology, a<br />

specifically urban journal, City & Community,<br />

was not launched until 2002. Even the professions<br />

took notice: The Journal of Urban Analysis and<br />

Public Management first appeared in 1972. (Of<br />

course, social work had a long history of involvement<br />

with the city, extending back to the settlement<br />

house movement of the early twentieth<br />

century. Its major journal, Social Science Review,<br />

was first published in 1927.)<br />

Through sections and specialty journals, groups<br />

within the social science disciplines negotiated<br />

their intellectual marginality, the multidimensional<br />

(and thus multidisciplinary) qualities of the<br />

city, and the enduring pull of their home discipline.<br />

In particular, researchers, educators, and<br />

scholars attracted to urban issues recognized the<br />

political wisdom of maintaining a disciplinary<br />

base with its already-existing affiliations and status.<br />

Consequently, they brought to urban studies<br />

their disciplinary perspectives and methodologies.<br />

Having made a bold move to declare themselves<br />

urbanists, they were reluctant to throw aside the<br />

theoretical and methodological skills that kept<br />

them attached to their disciplines. The rhetorical<br />

fix was to declare oneself interdisciplinary, a pivotal<br />

watchword in urban studies. Urban researchers<br />

and scholars acknowledged the city as<br />

multifaceted but not the contradictions involved in<br />

subordinating those facets to a disciplinary essentialism.<br />

They were not about to commit academic<br />

suicide.<br />

For these reasons, the urban research centers<br />

and urban studies “minors” and academic programs<br />

that were set up within many colleges and<br />

universities were staffed by researchers or faculty<br />

who retained their ties to their home disciplines.<br />

Faculty members were “released” from course and<br />

administrative obligations by their departments to<br />

support an urban studies (and university) agenda.<br />

Much like African American studies and women’s<br />

studies programs, urban studies programs were<br />

maintained as an appendage to the traditional<br />

social sciences. (Urban studies as a stand-alone<br />

undergraduate major can be found in fewer than a<br />

dozen universities in the United States.) Only later<br />

did it become possible to obtain a PhD in urban<br />

studies and thus for urban research centers and<br />

programs to be staffed by people outside the traditional<br />

disciplines. (Portland State University,<br />

Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and<br />

Cleveland State University are three of the major<br />

PhD programs in the field.) Urban studies programs<br />

also benefited from the rise of public policy<br />

schools in the 1960s and 1970s, with many of<br />

them offering courses and training researchers and<br />

scholars to address urban problems.<br />

Indicative of the ambivalent intellectual status<br />

of urban studies is the lack of a canon of literature<br />

and of texts that epitomize the field. Almost all of<br />

the writings normally deemed the field’s major<br />

works were written by scholars from social science<br />

disciplines. Robert Park’s famous essay “The City”<br />

(1925) and Herbert Gans’s The Urban Villagers<br />

(1962) came out of sociology, David Harvey’s<br />

Social Justice and the City (1973) out of geography,<br />

and Robert Dahl’s Who Governs? (1961)<br />

from political science. Arguably the most widely<br />

known text in the historiography of urban studies<br />

in the United States is Jane Jacobs’s The Death and<br />

Life of Great American Cities (1961). Jacobs was<br />

a journalist rather than an academic, and the book<br />

is most often associated with urban planning—the<br />

object of her wrath—rather than with the traditional<br />

social sciences. Noteworthy is that these<br />

texts all appeared in the early years of urban studies<br />

and have not been supplemented, or supplanted,<br />

as the field has expanded and evolved.<br />

The growing interest in urban studies in the<br />

United States in the 1960s led a group of researchers<br />

and educators in 1969 to establish the Council of<br />

University Institutes for Urban Affairs. (The use of<br />

the word affairs rather than studies is a subtle reference<br />

to the group’s interest in public problems.)<br />

Meeting in Boston, these directors of university

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