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<strong>cities</strong> (cf. intraurban physiognomy). Depending on<br />

research interests, such reorganization can involve<br />

a variety of processes of change that operate at different<br />

spatial scales, from individual buildings to<br />

morphological transformations of city blocks,<br />

neighborhoods, and quarters. The internal differentiation<br />

of <strong>cities</strong> traditionally shows morphological<br />

elements of residential, commercial, and<br />

industrial functions. In inner-city areas and especially<br />

close to central city core, the pressure to<br />

reorganize the interior space of the city has been a<br />

continuous process; the result is that a distinctive<br />

morphological element is created that contains a<br />

mixture of residential, commercial, and industrial<br />

functions. This transformation of urban space has<br />

been considerable since the mid-1970s. The vitality<br />

of the central city core has been reemphasized.<br />

Themes such as the quality of urban living (gentrification,<br />

consumption palaces, and sophisticated<br />

entertainment) and enhanced social control over<br />

both public and private spaces have assumed widespread<br />

importance to the internal structure of the<br />

city and to urban landscapes.<br />

The study of urban landscapes has been closely<br />

linked to the urban morphological frame. Especially<br />

in British urban morphological studies, three of the<br />

most important research lines are the nature and<br />

amounts of urban landscape change, the agents<br />

involved in the processes of change, and the management<br />

of that change. The traditional research<br />

line has connected the analysis of the town plan to<br />

the development of the urban landscape. Here the<br />

Conzenian townscape is full of layers of past urban<br />

development indicating how <strong>cities</strong> as entities have<br />

developed as physical configurations of streets,<br />

spaces, and many types of physical structures, and<br />

how urban societies have worked out their lives<br />

following the experiments of their predecessors.<br />

According to Conzen, the historical layers of urban<br />

landscapes represent accumulated experience and<br />

are thus a precious asset and valuable tool for conservation<br />

planning. This asset is threefold. First,<br />

different landscape features and physical structures<br />

of the various parts of <strong>cities</strong> help people to identify<br />

with places. Preferences for particular <strong>cities</strong> or<br />

parts of <strong>cities</strong> (like parks, commercial cores, or<br />

entertainment areas) are especially bound up with<br />

the physical appearance of buildings and other<br />

landscape features. Second, it helps the individual<br />

and society to orient themselves in time, in the<br />

Urban Morphology<br />

897<br />

sense that the urban landscape provides strong<br />

visual experience of the history of an urban area<br />

and makes concrete the different experiences of<br />

time. Third, the combination of forms created by<br />

different elements in old, established urban landscapes<br />

and by the spatially oriented networks of<br />

social relations have aesthetic value.<br />

In the second line of research, the study of<br />

urban landscapes has been linked to the types of<br />

agents and the specific organizations and individuals<br />

responsible for their creation. The object<br />

of study within the morphogenetic tradition has<br />

not been the agents themselves as much as it has<br />

been the form and places created by the agents.<br />

More current research since the 1990s has<br />

addressed the planning and management issues of<br />

the urban landscape. Historical and culturally<br />

sustainable values and reactions against modern<br />

architecture and large-scale redevelopment<br />

processes have provided favorable starting points<br />

of such investigations. Urban morphological<br />

research, though, has continued to delimit urban<br />

landscape units and their significance for urban<br />

landscape management and conservation planning.<br />

This research has been successfully carried<br />

out on commercial cores, industrial waterfronts,<br />

and residential areas.<br />

Urban morphological approaches have been an<br />

important root of urban studies. The study of<br />

physical qualities of the urban structure is one of<br />

the oldest branches of urban geography, especially<br />

in Europe, where the research on townscapes and<br />

morphological regions has occupied a permanent<br />

place. Most of these studies have been highly<br />

descriptive, and this led to criticism in 1960s and<br />

1970s against the urban morphological approach<br />

at a time when different approaches, such as<br />

structuralistic and humanistic approaches,<br />

appeared in urban geography and many urban<br />

geographers found more interesting themes to<br />

attract their research activities. In spite of this,<br />

urban morphology research has expanded in the<br />

1980s and 1990s, with its main concern being<br />

urban landscapes.<br />

The growth of research on the physical form of<br />

urban areas has occurred in several disciplines<br />

simultaneously—in (urban) geography, planning<br />

and planning history, urban design, (landscape)<br />

architecture, and urban history. In urban geography,<br />

critical and humanistic approaches have

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